– 英语/中文 双语歌词

歌词与翻译

[中文]

演讲者： 通过你的成就 你的话

你激励并鼓励我们的国家成为一个更加

完美的联邦。

在这些困难时期，您向我们发出挑战，要求我们开放

思想并共同努力 达成共识。

你的生活体现了 教育的力量创造新的

机会并为我们的社会做出重大贡献。

鉴于您所取得的成就以及您对这个

伟大国家的领导，密歇根大学非常荣幸

授予您荣誉学位——法学博士学位。

恭喜。

（欢呼和掌声）

演讲者： 密歇根州的权力授予

董事会并由他们委托 对我来说，我现在授予您，

巴拉克·H·奥巴马 (Barack H. Obama)， 法学博士学位，

并承认您享有其所有权利、荣誉和特权。

还有我（听不清）。

（欢呼和掌声）

总统： 谢谢你。

（欢呼和掌声）

谢谢。

（欢呼和掌声）

非常感谢。

谢谢。

（欢呼和掌声）

非常感谢。

（欢呼和掌声）

非常感谢；谢谢。

谢谢大家。

请入座。

观众： 我们爱你！

总统： 我爱你回来。

（笑声）

很高兴来到这里 在大房子里 -

（欢呼和掌声）

- 所以我可以说，“Go Blue！”

（欢呼和掌声）

我以为我会买便宜的 掌声开始。

（笑声）

下午好，主席 科尔曼，董事会，

致教职员工、家长、家人和 2010 届的朋友们。

（掌声）

恭喜 你毕业了，

，谢谢你允许我 很荣幸成为其中的一部分。

（掌声）

让我感谢您 很棒的州长，

Jennifer Granholm --

（掌声）

——你们的市长 John Hieftje；以及今天在座的所有

国会议员。

很荣幸能和你在一起 在这个快乐的时刻，

你知道，花钱很高兴 离开华盛顿一段时间。

（笑声）

现在，请不要误会我的意思——华盛顿是一座美丽的城市。

生活真美好 商店上方；

通勤是你的最佳选择。

（笑声）

这只是有时你听到的一切 华盛顿是政治的喧嚣。

所有的噪音都会被淹没

把你送到那里的人的声音。

所以当我上任时，我决定 每天晚上我都会读数十个字母中的 10

个

个普通美国人每天向我们发送数千条信息 ——这是我微薄的努力

提醒自己为什么我 跑在第一位。

其中一些字母告诉我们 心痛和挣扎的故事。

有些人表示感谢， 有些人表达愤怒。

我想说一个很好的固体 第三个叫我白痴——

（笑声）

——我就是这么知道的 我得到了一个很好的、

具有代表性的样本。

（笑声和掌声）

一些信件 让你觉得——

就像我收到的一样 上个月在弗吉尼亚州一所幼儿园

班。

现在，本班老师 指示学生向我询问

任何他们想要的问题。

所以有人问：“如何 你做好你的工作了吗？”

另一个人问道：“做吗？ 你工作很多吗？”

（笑声）

有人想知道我是否 穿黑色夹克或者留胡子——

（笑声）

——很明显，他们把我和另一个来自伊利诺伊州的高个子

搞混了。

（笑声）

我最喜欢的之一来自 一个想知道我

是否住在火山旁边的孩子。

（笑声）

我仍在尝试拼凑 关于这一点的思考过程。

（笑声）

喜欢这封信。

但这是最后一个问题 从最后一个学生开始

封信让我停了下来。

学生问：“是吗？ 人很好吗？”

人们友善吗？

那么，如果您打开 今天的新闻，或昨天的新闻，

或一周前，或一个月前 - 特别是其中一个有线电视频道 -

（笑声）

- 你可以明白为什么即使是幼儿园的孩子也会问这个问题。

（笑声）

我们接到了政治家的电话 彼此都有各种各样的

不讨人喜欢的名字。

专家和评论家 互相喊叫。

媒体倾向于播放 找出每一个冲突的迹象，

，因为它会导致 一个更性感的故事 --

这意味着任何人都感兴趣 获得报道感觉有必要

提出他们的论点 令人愤慨且尽可能具有煽动性。

现在，其中一些 争议可以

归因于令人难以置信的 我们

发现自己作为一个国家正处于艰难的时刻。

事实是，当你离开这里时 今天，您将在经济仍然停滞不前的情况下寻找工作

摆脱大萧条以来最严重的危机

。

你生活在一个世纪 就业机会和

行业在全球范围内转移的速度 正在迫使美国以前所未有的方式参与竞争

。

你将抚养你的孩子 在

恐怖主义和气候变化等威胁出现之际 不限于任何一个国家/地区的

边界内。

随着世界的发展 更小、联系更紧密，

您将与更多人一起生活和工作 那些看起来不像你的人

或者不像你的想法 来自你所在的地方。

我真的很喜欢 Alex 的言论 因为这是一个很大的变化。

所有这些变化， 所有这些挑战，

不可避免地会导致一些 政治体中的紧张局势。

它们让人们担心 未来，有时他们会激怒

个人。

但我认为这很重要 我们保持一定的历史视角。

自我们成立之日起， 美国政治从来都不是

一项特别好的生意。

总是少一点 伟大变革时期的外邦人。

对方的报纸 该党曾发表社论称，如果

托马斯·杰斐逊当选， “谋杀、抢劫、强奸、

通奸和乱伦将被 公开教导和实践。”

（笑声）

并不微妙。

安德鲁·杰克逊的对手 经常称他的母亲为

“普通妓女”， 似乎有点过头了。

（笑声）

泰迪·罗斯福的总统 林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 被

指控宣传 社会主义，或更糟。

我们之间也曾发生过争论 已经通过实际决斗

解决的政客。

有一次甚至还被鞭打过 美国

参议院的发言——我很高兴地说我在那里时并没有发生这种情况。

（笑声）

那是几年前的事了。

（笑声）

重点是，政治从来没有 适合脸皮薄或

胆小的人，如果 当你进入竞技场时，

你应该期待 受到粗暴对待。

此外，一个国家的民主 超过 3 亿人

本质上是困难的。

总是很吵而且 混乱、有争议、复杂。

我们一直在争论 从那时起

政府的适当规模和作用 制宪者们聚集在费城。

我们为含义争论不休 自该法案以来的个人自由和

平等 起草了《权利》。

随着我们的经济发生转变 重点从农业到

工业，到信息， 对于技术，

我们一直在争论和挣扎

的每一个关头最好的方法是确保所有 我们的公民有机会获得机会。

所以在我们变得太沮丧之前 关于我们

政治的现状，让我们 记住我们的历史。

过去的大辩论 一切都激起了极大的热情。

他们都让某人生气了， 并且至少曾经导致了一场

可怕的战争。

令人惊奇的是 尽管有所有冲突，

尽管有所有缺陷 及其挫折，

我们的民主实验 比地球上任何形式的

政府都运作得更好。

（掌声）

在活动的最后一天 制宪会议，

本杰明·富兰克林是著名的 问道：“好吧，医生，

我们得到了什么——一个 共和制还是君主制？”

富兰克林给出了答案 这句话已经被引用了很多年：他

说，“一个共和国， 如果你能保留它的话。”

如果你能保留它的话。

嗯，超过 200 多年来，我们一直保留着它。

通过革命和公民 战争中，我们的民主得以幸存。

穿越抑郁症和世界 战争，已经胜利了。

经历伟大时期 社会和经济动荡，

来自民权 为了妇女权利，

它让我们慢慢地， 有时会痛苦地

走向 更完美的结合。

现在，2010 届毕业生 你们这一代人面临的问题是

：你们将如何保持 我们的民主走向何方？

在我们面临挑战的时刻 看起来如此之大，而我们的政治

看起来如此之小，你将如何保持 我们的民主充满生机和活力；

你将如何保留它 本世纪好吗？

我不是来提供一些 宏大的理论或详细的政策规定。

但让我简单介绍一下 基于我自己的

经历和经历的反思 我们国家过去两个世纪的发展。

首先，美国民主 之所以能够蓬勃发展，是因为我们

认识到需要 政府认为，虽然有限，

仍然可以帮助我们适应 到一个不断变化的世界。

在第四个面板上 杰斐逊纪念堂是我

记得读给女儿们听的一句话 在我们第一次访问那里时。

它说：“我不是倡导者 法律和

宪法的频繁变化，但是... 情况发生变化，

机构也必须前进 与时俱进。”

设计的民主 杰斐逊和其他创始人

从来没有打算解决 新法律或

新计划的所有问题。

摆脱了暴政 大英帝国的第一批美国人是

对政府的怀疑是可以理解的。

从那时起我们就坚定不移 相信政府

并没有所有的答案， 我们珍惜并坚决捍卫我们的

个人自由。

这是一串 我们国家的 DNA。

但另一条线是 相信有些

件事我们只能做 作为一个国家团结起来 --

我们的政府必须 与时俱进。

当美国从少数几个国家扩张时 殖民地到整个大陆，

，我们需要一种方法 为了到达太平洋，

我们的政府提供了帮助 修建铁路。

当我们从 以农场为基础的经济转向以工厂和工人为基础的

经济 需要新的技能和培训，

我们的国家建立了一个系统 公立高中。

当市场崩溃时 大萧条让人们失去了

他们的毕生积蓄，我们的 政府制定了一套

规则和保障措施 确保这样的危机不再

发生，然后放置 安全网到位，确保

我们的长辈永远不会 他们像以前一样贫穷。

而且因为我们的市场和 从那时起，金融体系已经发展

，我们现在正在投入 制定新的规则和保障措施

来保护美国人民。

现在，这个概念 --

（掌声）

这个概念，阶级，并不总是有党派之争。

这是第一个共和党人 亚伯拉罕·林肯总统，

阐述了政府的作用 就是为人民做他们无法做得更好的事情

为了他们自己。

然后他会继续开始 第一条洲际铁路

并建立了第一条 赠地大学。

这是另一位共和党人， 泰迪·罗斯福说，

“政府的目标是 人民的福祉。”

他因使用 政府打破

垄断并建立 我们的国家公园系统。

（掌声）

民主党林登·约翰逊 在毕业典礼上宣布伟大社会

在密歇根州，

，但那是共和党 在他之前的总统

德怀特·艾森豪威尔 (Dwight Eisenhower) 发起了 大规模的政府

事业被称为 州际公路系统。

当然，一直都有 是那些反对这种努力的人。

他们认为政府 干预通常

效率低下；它限制了 个人自由并削弱

个人主动性。

在某些情况下， 确实如此。

多年来，我们一直有一个 福利制度常常

阻止人们接受 对自己

向上流动的责任。

有时，我们忽略了 父母的作用，

而不是政府， 培养孩子的教育。

有时监管会失败， 有时他们的好处

并不能证明他们的成本是合理的。

但令我烦恼的是，当 我听到人们说所有

政府本质上都是坏的。

期间我最喜欢的标志之一 医疗保健辩论是

有人说，“保留你的 政府不干涉我的医疗保险”——

（笑声）

——本质上是说“让政府远离我的

政府运营 医疗保健计划”。

（笑声）

当我们的政府 被称为某种具有威胁性的、

威胁性的外国实体，它 忽略了这样一个事实：在我们的

民主中，政府就是我们。

我们，人民，坚持我们的 --

（掌声）

我们，人民，坚持我们的 赋予选择我们的

领导人并改变我们的法律的权力， 并塑造我们自己的命运。

政府就是警察 保护我们

社区的官员和军人 以及在国外保卫我们的女性。

（掌声）

政府是你的道路 继续行驶，速度限制

保证了您的安全。

政府负责确保 矿山遵守安全标准

并清理溢油 由造成这些问题的公司来承担。

（鼓掌）

政府就是这么了不起 公立大学 --

一个正在做的地方 拯救生命的研究，

并促进经济增长， 以及将

改变周围世界的毕业生 它们有大有小。

（掌声）

事实是，我们的辩论 几十年来一直在更多的

政府和更少的政府之间， 它并不真正适合我们生活的时代

。

我们知道政府太多 会抑制竞争并

剥夺我们的选择 并让我们背上债务负担。

但我们也清楚地看到 政府太少的危险

——就像华尔街缺乏问责制一样

几乎导致崩溃 我们整个经济的。

（掌声）

那么，2010 届的我们 我们应该问的不是

我们是否需要“大政府” 或“小政府”

但我们如何才能创建一个 更聪明、更好的政府。

因为在一个时代 iPod 和 Tivo，

，我们有更多选择 比以往任何时候都多 --

即使我真的不能 做很多这样的事情 --

（笑声）

-- 但我有 23 岁的孩子 谁为我做这件事 --

（笑声）

-- 政府不应该 尝试主宰你的生活。

但它应该给你 您成功所需的工具。

政府不应尝试 为了保证结果，

但它应该保证 为每一位

美国人抓住机会 愿意努力工作。

（掌声）

所以，是的，我们可以而且应该 辩论政府在我们生活中的作用。

但请记住，当您被问到时 为了应对我们

时代的挑战，请记住，有能力 让我们的政府

适应时代的需要 帮助我们的民主发挥作用

自成立以来。

现在，第二种方法是保持我们的 健康的民主是保持

基本的文明水平 在我们的公开辩论中。

（掌声）

我们的这些争论 关于政府和医疗保健

以及战争和税收——这些 都是严肃的论点。

他们应该唤醒 人们的热情，

，这对每个人都很重要 加入辩论，

充满活力 维护一个自由的人民需要。

但我们不能指望解决我们的问题 如果我们所做的只是互相撕毁

，就会出现问题。

您可以不同意某个观点 政策而不妖魔化支持该政策的

人。

您可以质疑某人的 观点和他们的判断，而不

质疑他们的动机 或者他们的爱国精神。

抛出类似的短语 “社会主义者”和“苏联式

接管”和“法西斯” 和“右翼坚果”——

（笑声）

——可能会成为头条新闻， 但它也具有

比较我们政府的效果， 我们的政治对手，

到独裁主义， 甚至是残暴的政权。

现在，我们已经看到了这种 过去的政治。

双方都实践过 意识形态

谱系的边缘，左派和左派 是的，从我们国家诞生之日起。

但它已经开始蔓延 我们谈话的中心。

问题不在于 公职人员受伤的感情或受伤的

自尊心 谁受到批评。

请记住，他们已经注册了。

米歇尔总是 让我想起了这一点。

（笑声）

问题是这种 诽谤和过分的

言辞关闭了大门 妥协的可能性。

它破坏了民主 商议。

它阻碍学习 ——毕竟，

为什么我们要听“法西斯主义者”、“社会主义者”、

或“右翼疯子”的言论？ 还是左翼坚果”？

（笑声）

这几乎是不可能的 对于拥有合法权利的人

但可弥合的差异 坐在同一张桌子旁，

讨论问题。

它剥夺了我们的理性 和严肃的辩论，

我们需要进行的辩论 这个国家面临的非常真实且非常巨大的

挑战。

它使我们的文化变得粗糙， 在最坏的情况下，

它可以向最多的人发送信号 我们社会的极端分子

，也许暴力就是 合理的回应。

那么我们该怎么办？

正如我在一次之后发现的那样 在白宫的一年，

改变了这种类型 政治并不容易。

以及礼貌的一部分 要求是我们回忆起我们大多数人学到的

简单的教训 来自我们父母的建议：善待他人

，就像你希望别人对待你一样， 礼貌和尊重。

（掌声）

但这个时代的礼貌也同样重要 需要的不仅仅是

只是问我们是否不能 只是大家相处得很好。

今天的 24/7 回声室 将最具煽动性的

原声片段放大得更响亮 比以往任何时候都快。

然而，也给出了 我们前所未有的选择。

而大多数美国人过去 晚餐时从同一个

三个网络获取新闻，或者 周日

早上几篇有影响力的论文，我们现在可以选择 从任意

个博客或网站获取我们的信息 或有线新闻节目。

这可以同时具有 民主发展的好坏。

如果我们选择仅公开 我们自己的观点和

观点 根据我们自己的研究，

研究表明我们 变得更加两极分化，

更加固守我们的方式。

这只会加强和 甚至加深这个国家的政治

分歧。

但是如果我们选择主动 寻找

挑战我们假设的信息 和我们的信念，

也许我们可以开始 了解

与我们有不同意见的人 都来自.

现在，这需要我们同意 关于

辩论的一组特定事实。

这就是为什么我们需要一个充满活力且 蓬勃发展的新闻业务与观点无关

制造商和会说话的人。

（掌声）

这就是为什么我们需要受过教育的人 重视

确凿证据而不仅仅是断言的公民。

（掌声）

饰演参议员丹尼尔·帕特里克 莫伊尼汉曾经说过一句名言：

“每个人都有权 根据他自己的观点，

，但不是他自己的事实。”

（笑声）

不过，如果你是这样的人 只阅读

《纽约时报》的社论页面，尝试浏览一下 偶尔访问《华尔街日报》

的页面。

如果您是格伦的粉丝 Beck 或 Rush Limbaugh，

尝试阅读有关 赫芬顿邮报网站。

它可能会让你热血沸腾； 你的想法可能不会改变。

但是倾听的练习 反对观点对于

有效的公民身份至关重要。

（掌声）

很重要 为了我们的民主。

（掌声）

实践也是如此 参与不同的

体验 不同种类的人。

我看着这堂课， 我意识到在

密歇根四年了，你已经暴露了 致不同的思想家和

学者、教授 和学生。

不要缩小那么广泛的范围 智力暴露只是

，因为你要离开这里。

相反，应寻求扩展它。

如果您在大城市长大， 花一些时间与在乡村小镇长大的

人相处。

如果您发现自己只 与

属于您自己种族的人一起闲逛，或者 种族或宗教，

包括您圈子中的人 他们有不同的背景

和生活经历。

您将了解什么是 设身处地为别人着想，

，在此过程中，您将 帮助使这种民主发挥作用。

（掌声）

这让我来到了最后 运转良好的

民主的一个组成部分， 也许是最基本的 --

并且它已经 已经提到过——

，那就是参与。

2010 届毕业生，我明白 当今有毒的

政治气候的影响之一是推动 人们远离参与

公共生活。

如果你转身时所看到的一切 电视上都是谩骂，

如果你听到的只是如何 防止特殊利益游说和

党派之争 华盛顿从完成

件事开始，你 你可能会想，

“这有什么意义？ 参与其中？”

这就是重点。

当我们不付款时 当我们失败时，关注我们的领导者所做的

决定 让我们自己了解当天的

个主要问题，当我们 选择不让我们的声音

和意见被听到，那就是 当民主崩溃时。

这就是滥用权力的时候。

那是最极端的时候 我们社会中的声音填补了我们留下的

空白。

这就是强大利益的时候 他们的游说者最有能力购买访问权和影响力

在权力的走廊里 --

因为我们都不在那里 大声说出并阻止他们。

参与公共生活 并不意味着你们都有

来竞选公职——尽管我们当然可以在华盛顿使用

一些新面孔。

（笑声和掌声）

但这确实意味着您应该关注

并尽一切可能做出贡献。

随时了解情况。

写信或打电话 代表您

关心的问题致电。

如果选举政治 这不是你的事，

继续这个传统 你们中的一些人从密歇根

开始，并找到一种方法来为您服务 社区和您的国家 --

一项对您有帮助的行为 与

公民保持联系并改善 你周围的人的生活。

50 年前，一位年轻人 总统候选人来到

来到密歇根州并发表了演讲 启发了

最成功服务之一的演讲 美国历史上的项目。

正如约翰·F·肯尼迪描述的

和平队背后的理想一样，他向十月晚上聚集在安娜堡的

学生发出了挑战：

“你们是否愿意为

这个国家贡献自己的一部分生命，”他说，这将取决于自由的

社会能否竞争的答案。

我认为可以，”他说。

我们拥有这种民主 是一件珍贵的事情。

对于所有参数和所有 今天存在的怀疑和所有的愤世嫉俗

，我们 永远不应该忘记，作为

美国人，我们享受更多 比任何其他国家的

公民拥有更多的自由和机会 地球上的国家。

我们可以自由表达自己的想法并随心所欲地崇拜。

我们可以自由地 选择我们的领导者

并批评他们 如果他们让我们失望。

（掌声）

我们有机会获得 教育，努力工作，

并给我们的孩子 更好的生活。

这一切都来之不易。

这一切都不是注定的。

坐在里面的男人和女人 你10年前、50

年前和100年前的椅子 ——他们通过辛劳、耐力、想象力

。

和信仰，使美国成为可能

他们的成功，以及美国的成功 成功，从来都不是理所当然的。

并且不能保证 10 年后将坐在

个相同席位的毕业生 现在，或 50 年后，

或 100 年后，将会 享受与您相同的自由和

机会。

你也必须努力。

你也必须推动 看似可能的界限。

事实上，我们国家的 命运从来都不是确定的。

确定的是什么——什么 一直确定——

是能够 塑造那个命运。

这就是我们的与众不同之处。

这就是我们的与众不同之处。

这就是为什么 我们美国人 --

我们最终的能力 回顾我们所有的一天

差异以及我们所有的 分歧，但仍然打造

共同的未来。

该任务现在就在您手中， 这就是在这所大学提出的问题

的答案 一个世纪前关于自由的

社会是否仍然可以竞争。

如果你愿意，一如既往 几代人都愿意

为你的生活做出贡献 为了这个国家的生活，

那么我，就像总统 肯尼迪，相信我们可以。

因为我相信你。

（掌声）

恭喜 你的毕业典礼，2010 年。

愿上帝保佑你，愿上帝保佑你 祝福美利坚合众国。

谢谢。

（掌声）

[英语]

Speaker: Through your achievements and your words,

you've inspired and encouraged our nation to become a more

perfect union.

In these difficult times, you have challenged us to open our

minds and work together to reach common ground.

Your life exemplifies the power of education to create new

opportunities and to offer significant contributions to our society.

For all you have accomplished and for your leadership of this

great nation, the University of Michigan is deeply honored to

present you with the honorary degree, Doctor of Laws.

Congratulations.

(cheers and applause)

Speaker: By the authority of the state of Michigan vested in the Board of

Regents and by them delegated to me, I now confer upon you,

Barack H. Obama, the degree Doctor of Laws,

and admit you to all of its rights, honors, and privileges.

And I (inaudible).

(cheers and applause)

The President: Thank you.

(cheers and applause)

Thank you.

(cheers and applause)

Thank you very much.

Thank you.

(cheers and applause)

Thank you so much.

(cheers and applause)

Thank you very much; thank you.

Thank you, everybody.

Please be seated.

Audience Member: We love you!

The President: I love you back.

(laughter)

It is great to be here in the Big House --

(cheers and applause)

-- and so may I say, "Go Blue!"

(cheers and applause)

I thought I'd go for the cheap applause line to start things off.

(laughter)

Good afternoon, President Coleman, the Board of Trustees,

to faculty, parents, family and friends of the class of 2010.

(applause)

Congratulations on your graduation,

and thank you for allowing me the honor of being a part of it.

(applause)

Let me acknowledge your wonderful governor,

Jennifer Granholm --

(applause)

-- your mayor, John Hieftje; and all the members of Congress who

are here today.

It is a privilege to be with you on this happy occasion, and,

you know, it's nice to spend a little time outside of Washington.

(laughter)

Now, don't get me wrong -- Washington is a beautiful city.

It's very nice living above the store;

you can't beat the commute.

(laughter)

It's just sometimes all you hear in Washington is the clamor of politics.

And all that noise can drown out the voices of the people who

sent you there.

So when I took office, I decided that each night I would read 10

letters out of the tens of thousands that are sent to us by

ordinary Americans every day -- this is my modest effort to

remind myself of why I ran in the first place.

Some of these letters tell stories of heartache and struggle.

Some express gratitude, some express anger.

I'd say a good solid third call me an idiot --

(laughter)

-- which is how I know that I'm getting a good,

representative sample.

(laughter and applause)

Some of the letters make you think --

like the one that I received last month from a kindergarten

class in Virginia.

Now, the teacher of this class instructed the students to ask

me any question they wanted.

So one asked, "How do you do your job?"

Another asked, "Do you work a lot?"

(laughter)

Somebody wanted to know if I wear a black jacket or if I have a beard --

(laughter)

-- so clearly they were getting me mixed up with the other tall

guy from Illinois.

(laughter)

And one of my favorites was from a kid who wanted to know if I

lived next to a volcano.

(laughter)

I'm still trying to piece the thought process on this one.

(laughter)

Loved this letter.

But it was the last question from the last student in the

letter that gave me pause.

The student asked, "Are people being nice?"

Are people being nice?

Well, if you turn on the news today, or yesterday,

or a week ago, or a month ago -- particularly one of the cable channels --

(laughter)

-- you can see why even a kindergartener would ask this question.

(laughter)

We've got politicians calling each other all sorts of

unflattering names.

Pundits and talking heads shout at each other.

The media tends to play up every hint of conflict,

because it makes for a sexier story --

which means anyone interested in getting coverage feels compelled

to make their arguments as outrageous and as incendiary as possible.

Now, some of this contentiousness can be

attributed to the incredibly difficult moment in which we

find ourselves as a nation.

The fact is, when you leave here today you will search for work

in an economy that is still emerging from the worst crisis

since the Great Depression.

You live in a century where the speed with which jobs and

industries move across the globe is forcing America to compete

like never before.

You will raise your children at a time when threats like

terrorism and climate change aren't confined within the

borders of any one country.

And as our world grows smaller and more connected,

you will live and work with more people who don't look like you

or think like you or come from where you do.

I really enjoyed Alex's remarks because that's a lot of change.

And all these changes, all these challenges,

inevitably cause some tension in the body politic.

They make people worry about the future and sometimes they get

people riled up.

But I think it's important that we maintain some historic perspective.

Since the days of our founding, American politics has never been

a particularly nice business.

It's always been a little less gentile during times of great change.

A newspaper of the opposing party once editorialized that if

Thomas Jefferson were elected, "Murder, robbery, rape,

adultery, and incest will be openly taught and practiced."

(laughter)

Not subtle.

Opponents of Andrew Jackson often referred to his mother as

a "common prostitute," which seems a little over the top.

(laughter)

Presidents from Teddy Roosevelt to Lyndon Johnson have been

accused of promoting socialism, or worse.

And we've had arguments between politicians that have been

settled with actual duels.

There was even a caning once on the floor of the United States

Senate -- which I'm happy to say didn't happen while I was there.

(laughter)

It was a few years before.

(laughter)

The point is, politics has never been for the thin-skinned or the

faint-of-heart, and if you enter the arena,

you should expect to get roughed up.

Moreover, democracy in a nation of more than 300 million people

is inherently difficult.

It's always been noisy and messy, contentious, complicated.

We've been fighting about the proper size and role of

government since the days the Framers gathered in Philadelphia.

We've battled over the meaning of individual freedom and

equality since the Bill of Rights was drafted.

As our economy has shifted emphasis from agriculture to

industry, to information, to technology,

we have argued and struggled at each and every juncture over the

best way to ensure that all of our citizens have a shot at opportunity.

So before we get too depressed about the current state of our

politics, let's remember our history.

The great debates of the past all stirred great passions.

They all made somebody angry, and at least once led to a

terrible war.

What is amazing is that despite all the conflict,

despite all its flaws and its frustrations,

our experiment in democracy has worked better than any form of

government on Earth.

(applause)

On the last day of the Constitutional Convention,

Benjamin Franklin was famously asked, "Well, Doctor,

what have we got -- a republic or a monarchy?"

And Franklin gave an answer that's been quoted for ages: He

said, "A republic, if you can keep it."

If you can keep it.

Well, for more than 200 years, we have kept it.

Through revolution and civil war, our democracy has survived.

Through depression and world war, it has prevailed.

Through periods of great social and economic unrest,

from civil rights to women's rights,

it has allowed us slowly, sometimes painfully,

to move towards a more perfect union.

And so now, class of 2010, the question for your generation is

this: How will you keep our democracy going?

At a moment when our challenges seem so big and our politics

seem so small, how will you keep our democracy alive and vibrant;

how will you keep it well in this century?

I'm not here to offer some grand theory or detailed policy prescription.

But let me offer a few brief reflections based on my own

experiences and the experiences of our country over the last two centuries.

First of all, American democracy has thrived because we have

recognized the need for a government that, while limited,

can still help us adapt to a changing world.

On the fourth panel of the Jefferson Memorial is a quote I

remember reading to my daughters during our first visit there.

It says, "I am not an advocate for frequent changes in laws and

constitutions, but...with the change of circumstances,

institutions must advance also to keep pace with the times."

The democracy designed by Jefferson and the other founders

was never intended to solve every problem with a new law or

a new program.

Having thrown off the tyranny of the British Empire,

the first Americans were understandably skeptical of government.

And ever since we've held fast to the belief that government

doesn't have all the answers, and we have cherished and

fiercely defended our individual freedom.

That's a strand of our nation's DNA.

But the other strand is the belief that there are some

things we can only do together, as one nation --

and that our government must keep pace with the times.

When America expanded from a few colonies to an entire continent,

and we needed a way to reach the Pacific,

our government helped build the railroads.

When we transitioned from an economy based on farms to one

based on factories, and workers needed new skills and training,

our nation set up a system of public high schools.

When the markets crashed during the Depression and people lost

their life savings, our government put in place a set of

rules and safeguards to make sure that such a crisis never

happened again, and then put a safety net in place to make sure

that our elders would never be impoverished the way they had been.

And because our markets and financial systems have evolved

since then, we're now putting in place new rules and safeguards

to protect the American people.

Now, this notion --

(applause)

This notion, class, hasn't always been partisan.

It was the first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln,

who said the role of government is to do for the people what

they cannot do better for themselves.

And he'd go on to begin that first intercontinental railroad

and set up the first land-grant colleges.

It was another Republican, Teddy Roosevelt, who said,

"the object of government is the welfare of the people."

And he's remembered for using the power of government to break

up monopolies, and establish our National Park system.

(applause)

Democrat Lyndon Johnson announced the Great Society

during a commencement here at Michigan,

but it was the Republican President before him,

Dwight Eisenhower, who launched the massive government

undertaking known as the Interstate Highway System.

Of course, there have always been those who've opposed such efforts.

They argue government intervention is usually

inefficient; that it restricts individual freedom and dampens

individual initiative.

And in certain instances, that's been true.

For many years, we had a welfare system that too often

discouraged people from taking responsibility for their own

upward mobility.

At times, we've neglected the role of parents,

rather than government, in cultivating a child's education.

And sometimes regulation fails, and sometimes their benefits

don't justify their costs.

But what troubles me is when I hear people say that all of

government is inherently bad.

One of my favorite signs during the health care debate was

somebody who said, "Keep Your Government Hands Out Of My Medicare" --

(laughter)

-- which is essentially saying "Keep Government Out Of My

Government-Run Health Care Plan."

(laughter)

When our government is spoken of as some menacing,

threatening foreign entity, it ignores the fact that in our

democracy, government is us.

We, the people, hold our --

(applause)

We, the people, hold in our hands the power to choose our

leaders and change our laws, and shape our own destiny.

Government is the police officers who are protecting our

communities, and the servicemen and women who are defending us abroad.

(applause)

Government is the roads you drove in on and the speed limits

that kept you safe.

Government is what ensures that mines adhere to safety standards

and that oil spills are cleaned up by the companies that caused them.

(applause)

Government is this extraordinary public university --

a place that's doing lifesaving research,

and catalyzing economic growth, and graduating students who will

change the world around them in ways big and small.

(applause)

The truth is, the debate we've had for decades now between more

government and less government, it doesn't really fit the times

in which we live.

We know that too much government can stifle competition and

deprive us of choice and burden us with debt.

But we've also clearly seen the dangers of too little government

-- like when a lack of accountability on Wall Street

nearly leads to the collapse of our entire economy.

(applause)

So, class of 2010, what we should be asking is not whether

we need "big government" or a "small government,"

but how we can create a smarter and better government.

Because in an era of iPods and Tivo,

where we have more choices than ever before --

even though I can't really work a lot of these things --

(laughter)

-- but I have 23-year-olds who do it for me --

(laughter)

-- government shouldn't try to dictate your lives.

But it should give you the tools you need to succeed.

Government shouldn't try to guarantee results,

but it should guarantee a shot at opportunity for every

American who's willing to work hard.

(applause)

So, yes, we can and should debate the role of government in our lives.

But remember, as you are asked to meet the challenges of our

time, remember that the ability for us to adapt our government

to the needs of the age has helped make our democracy work

since its inception.

Now, the second way to keep our democracy healthy is to maintain

a basic level of civility in our public debate.

(applause)

These arguments we're having over government and health care

and war and taxes -- these are serious arguments.

They should arouse people's passions,

and it's important for everybody to join in the debate,

with all the vigor that the maintenance of a free people requires.

But we can't expect to solve our problems if all we do is tear

each other down.

You can disagree with a certain policy without demonizing the

person who espouses it.

You can question somebody's views and their judgment without

questioning their motives or their patriotism.

Throwing around phrases like "socialists" and "Soviet-style

takeover" and "fascist" and "right-wing nut" --

(laughter)

-- that may grab headlines, but it also has the effect of

comparing our government, our political opponents,

to authoritarian, even murderous regimes.

Now, we've seen this kind of politics in the past.

It's been practiced by both fringes of the ideological

spectrum, by the left and the right, since our nation's birth.

But it's starting to creep into the center of our discourse.

And the problem with it is not the hurt feelings or the bruised

egos of the public officials who are criticized.

Remember, they signed up for it.

Michelle always reminds me of that.

(laughter)

The problem is that this kind of vilification and over-the-top

rhetoric closes the door to the possibility of compromise.

It undermines democratic deliberation.

It prevents learning -- since, after all,

why should we listen to a "fascist," or a "socialist,"

or a "right-wing nut," or a left-wing nut"?

(laughter)

It makes it nearly impossible for people who have legitimate

but bridgeable differences to sit down at the same table and

hash things out.

It robs us of a rational and serious debate,

the one we need to have about the very real and very big

challenges facing this nation.

It coarsens our culture, and at its worst,

it can send signals to the most extreme elements of our society

that perhaps violence is a justifiable response.

So what do we do?

As I found out after a year in the White House,

changing this type of politics is not easy.

And part of what civility requires is that we recall the

simple lesson most of us learned from our parents: Treat others

as you would like to be treated, with courtesy and respect.

(applause)

But civility in this age also requires something more than

just asking if we can't just all get along.

Today's 24/7 echo-chamber amplifies the most inflammatory

soundbites louder and faster than ever before.

And it's also, however, given us unprecedented choice.

Whereas most Americans used to get their news from the same

three networks over dinner, or a few influential papers on Sunday

morning, we now have the option to get our information from any

number of blogs or websites or cable news shows.

And this can have both a good and bad development for democracy.

For if we choose only to expose ourselves to opinions and

viewpoints that are in line with our own,

studies suggest that we become more polarized,

more set in our ways.

That will only reinforce and even deepen the political

divides in this country.

But if we choose to actively seek out information that

challenges our assumptions and our beliefs,

perhaps we can begin to understand where the people who

disagree with us are coming from.

Now, this requires us to agree on a certain set of facts to

debate from.

That's why we need a vibrant and thriving news business that is

separate from opinion makers and talking heads.

(applause)

That's why we need an educated citizenry that values hard

evidence and not just assertion.

(applause)

As Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan famously once said,

"Everybody is entitled to his own opinion,

but not his own facts."

(laughter)

Still, if you're somebody who only reads the editorial page of

The New York Times, try glancing at the page of The Wall Street

Journal once in a while.

If you're a fan of Glenn Beck or Rush Limbaugh,

try reading a few columns on the Huffington Post website.

It may make your blood boil; your mind may not be changed.

But the practice of listening to opposing views is essential for

effective citizenship.

(applause)

It is essential for our democracy.

(applause)

And so, too, is the practice of engaging in different

experiences with different kinds of people.

I look out at this class and I realize for four years at

Michigan you have been exposed to diverse thinkers and

scholars, professors and students.

Don't narrow that broad intellectual exposure just

because you're leaving here.

Instead, seek to expand it.

If you grew up in a big city, spend some time with somebody

who grew up in a rural town.

If you find yourself only hanging around with people of

your own race or ethnicity or religion,

include people in your circle who have different backgrounds

and life experiences.

You'll learn what it's like to walk in somebody else's shoes,

and in the process, you will help to make this democracy work.

(applause)

Which brings me to the last ingredient in a functioning

democracy, one that's perhaps most basic --

and it's already been mentioned --

and that is participation.

Class of 2010, I understand that one effect of today's poisonous

political climate is to push people away from participation

in public life.

If all you see when you turn on the TV is name-calling,

if all you hear about is how special interest lobbying and

partisanship prevented Washington from getting

something done, you might think to yourself,

"What's the point of getting involved?"

Here's the point.

When we don't pay close attention to the decisions made

by our leaders, when we fail to educate ourselves about the

major issues of the day, when we choose not to make our voices

and opinions heard, that's when democracy breaks down.

That's when power is abused.

That's when the most extreme voices in our society fill the

void that we leave.

That's when powerful interests and their lobbyists are most

able to buy access and influence in the corridors of power --

because none of us are there to speak up and stop them.

Participation in public life doesn't mean that you all have

to run for public office -- though we could certainly use

some fresh faces in Washington.

(laughter and applause)

But it does mean that you should pay attention and contribute in

any way that you can.

Stay informed.

Write letters, or make phone calls on behalf of an issue you

care about.

If electoral politics isn't your thing,

continue the tradition so many of you started here at Michigan

and find a way to serve your community and your country --

an act that will help you stay connected to your fellow

citizens and improve the lives of those around you.

It was 50 years ago that a young candidate for president came

here to Michigan and delivered a speech that inspired one of the

most successful service projects in American history.

And as John F. Kennedy described the ideals behind what would

become the Peace Corps, he issued a challenge to the

students who had assembled in Ann Arbor on that October night:

"on your willingness to contribute part of your life to

this country," he said, will depend the answer whether a free

society can compete.

I think it can," he said.

This democracy we have is a precious thing.

For all the arguments and all the doubts and all the cynicism

that's out there today, we should never forget that as

Americans, we enjoy more freedoms and opportunities than

citizens in any other nation on Earth.

We are free to speak our mind and worship as we please.

We are free to choose our leaders,

and criticize them if they let us down.

(applause)

We have the chance to get an education, and work hard,

and give our children a better life.

None of this came easy.

None of this was preordained.

The men and women who sat in your chairs 10 years ago and 50

years ago and 100 years ago -- they made America possible

through their toil and their endurance and their imagination

and their faith.

Their success, and America's success, was never a given.

And there is no guarantee that the graduates who will sit in

these same seats 10 years from now, or 50 years from now,

or 100 years from now, will enjoy the same freedoms and

opportunities that you do.

You, too, will have to strive.

You, too, will have to push the boundaries of what seems possible.

For the truth is, our nation's destiny has never been certain.

What is certain -- what has always been certain --

is the ability to shape that destiny.

That is what makes us different.

That is what sets us apart.

That is what makes us Americans --

our ability at the end of the day to look past all of our

differences and all of our disagreements and still forge a

common future.

That task is now in your hands, as is the answer to the question

posed at this university half a century ago about whether a free

society can still compete.

If you are willing, as past generations were willing,

to contribute part of your life to the life of this country,

then I, like President Kennedy, believe we can.

Because I believe in you.

(applause)

Congratulations on your graduation, 2010.

May God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

Thank you.

(applause)

重点词汇

词汇	含义
achievement /əˈtʃiːvmənt/ B2	noun - 成就 (chéngjiù)
inspire /ɪnˈspaɪər/ B2	verb - 激励 (jīlì)
encourage /ɪnˈkʌrɪdʒ/ B2	verb - 鼓励 (gǔlì)
nation /ˈneɪʃən/ B1	noun - 国家 (guójiā)
union /ˈjuːnjən/ B2	noun - 联合 (liánhé)
challenge /ˈtʃælɪndʒ/ B2	noun - 挑战 (tiǎozhàn) verb - 挑战 (tiǎozhàn)
opportunity /ˌɒpəˈtjuːnɪti/ B2	noun - 机会 (jīhuì)
contribute /kənˈtrɪbjuːt/ B2	verb - 贡献 (gòngxiàn)
society /səˈsaɪɪti/ B2	noun - 社会 (shèhuì)
honor /ˈɒnər/ B1	noun - 荣誉 (róngyù) verb - 尊敬 (zūnjìng)
leadership /ˈliːdəʃɪp/ C1	noun - 领导力 (lǐngdǎolì)
democracy /dɪˈmɒkrəsi/ C1	noun - 民主 (mínzhǔ)
government /ˈɡʌvənmənt/ B2	noun - 政府 (zhèngfǔ)
freedom /ˈfriːdəm/ B2	noun - 自由 (zìyóu)
civility /sɪˈvɪlɪti/ C1	noun - 礼貌 (lǐmào)
politics /ˈpɒlɪtɪks/ B2	noun - 政治 (zhèngzhì)
conflict /ˈkɒnflɪkt/ B2	noun - 冲突 (chōngtú)
revolution /ˌrev.əˈluːʃən/ C1	noun - 革命 (gémìng)

重点语法结构

• Through your achievements and your words, you've inspired and encouraged our nation to become a more perfect union.

  ➔ 现在完成时

  ➔ “you've inspired” 使用现在完成时，表示从过去开始的动作对现在仍有影响。

• In these difficult times, you have challenged us to open our minds and work together to reach common ground.

  ➔ 现在完成时

  ➔ “you have challenged” 使用现在完成时，强调动作的持续影响。

• Your life exemplifies the power of education to create new opportunities and to offer significant contributions to our society.

  ➔ 一般现在时

  ➔ “exemplifies” 使用一般现在时，表示一般真理或习惯性动作。

• For all you have accomplished and for your leadership of this great nation, the University of Michigan is deeply honored to present you with the honorary degree, Doctor of Laws.

  ➔ 现在完成时

  ➔ “all you have accomplished” 使用现在完成时，强调直到现在仍有影响的成就。

• I thought I'd go for the cheap applause line to start things off.

  ➔ 一般过去时

  ➔ “I thought” 使用一般过去时，表示过去完成的动作。

• But I think it's important that we maintain some historic perspective.

  ➔ 一般现在时

  ➔ “think” 使用一般现在时，表示意见或信念。

• Since the days of our founding, American politics has never been a particularly nice business.

  ➔ 现在完成时

  ➔ “has never been” 使用现在完成时，描述从过去开始并持续到现在的状态。

• What is amazing is that despite all the conflict, our experiment in democracy has worked better than any form of government on Earth.

  ➔ 现在完成时

  ➔ “has worked” 使用现在完成时，强调民主实验的持续成功。

• If you choose to actively seek out information that challenges your assumptions and your beliefs, perhaps we can begin to understand where the people who disagree with us are coming from.

  ➔ 第二条件句

  ➔ “perhaps we can begin” 使用第二条件句，表示基于假设条件的假设结果。

• Because I believe in you.

  ➔ 一般现在时

  ➔ “believe” 使用一般现在时，表示当前的信念状态。