The Early Muslim expansion changed the fate
of the Middle East and the world.
00:06
In our first season, we have covered the very
early campaigns mostly led by Khalid ibn al-Walid
00:11
This second documentary will describe the
Arab incursions into Anatolia, Egypt, Iran
00:19
and North Africa, showing how the Rashidun
Caliphate became the dominant power in the
00:24
These long videos are extremely time-consuming
and difficult to make, so consider liking,
00:32
commenting, and sharing!
00:37
It is probably a good idea to start our video
with the description of the early Muslim army.
00:40
From Ajnadayn in 634 to Alexandria in 641,
Islamic armies of seemingly miniscule size
00:46
picked apart the veteran armies of two separate,
massive empires in battle after battle.
00:54
The question remains: how did these earliest
Muslim soldiers fight and how did they forge
01:00
the caliphate with such speed?
01:05
Akin to most other regions and centers of
civilisation within the ancient and medieval
01:08
world, Arabia was a violent place in its own
unique fashion.
01:13
Far from being comparable to the large, hegemonic
empires which bordered and often puppeteered
01:18
its many tribes to further their own agendas
pre-conquest, the barren desert of the Arabian
01:23
Peninsula and most of its people are more
accurately balanced against the fearsome nomadic
01:29
folk of the great Eurasian steppe.
01:35
Fighting against rival tribes and defending
one’s own kin from attack were a central
01:37
part of life, a fact which played a key role
in creating the local culture.
01:43
Motivated in part by vicious terrain that
was untenable to larger military campaigns,
01:48
the dominant tactic was the so-called razzia
- a raiding expedition designed to plunder,
01:54
pillage and take slaves.
02:00
Such a wealth of common martial experience
meant that most Bedouin Arabs were, especially
02:02
compared to the agriculturalists and urban
citizens of the near-east, a veteran military
02:08
This pre-Islam tribal society provided a solid
foundation for the development of a conquest
02:15
army, but until the prophet’s lifetime and
possibly afterwards as well, there was no
02:21
With very few exceptions, every single adult
male in Bedouin life was a warrior, compensated
02:28
for their endeavours with booty, honour or
the defence of their own kin-group from enemies
02:35
who were attempting to do the same.
02:40
With the advent of Islam, leadership of Muhammad
and the subsequent unification of the Arabian
02:43
Peninsula under the first Rashidun caliph,
its weapon-rich cities and Bedouin-inhabited
02:48
hinterland alike came under one rule, and
one religion.
02:53
This warlike population, who until recently
were occupied fighting one-another in small-scale
02:58
struggles, could now be directed en masse
to attack the settled, exhausted and unready
03:04
empires beyond the desert frontier.
03:09
Although now turned to a single purpose; to
expand the Dar al-Islam, the early Islamic
03:13
armies remained in many ways what they had
been before - tribal raiders.
03:19
As the assault on Byzantine and Sassanid territory
began, it quickly became clear that the established
03:24
empires were not going to be met on their
own terms.
03:30
It was to be a mobile war of razzia which
the two emperors and their armies, each bent
03:34
towards attacking the other, simply could
not match.
03:39
To this purpose, a primary strategic weapon
of war utilised by the conquering Arabs was
03:43
the unassuming camel.
03:49
Accustomed to travelling across incredibly
arid terrain with essentially no water, these
03:52
workhouse pack animals were used to lethal
effect on campaign.
03:57
Camel-mounted armies of Muslim infantry would
frequently strike Byzantine or Sassanid territory
04:02
from unexpected, undefended angles, bleeding
the empires of manpower and money before fading
04:07
back into the desert, where their enemies
simply could not go.
04:14
Imagine playing a game of Civilization and
possessing an area of apparently impassable
04:18
terrain near your key resource-producing regions,
so you naturally do not fortify the area,
04:24
because you don’t need to.
04:30
After all, if no powerful enemy can get there,
they can’t attack it anyway.
04:31
However, one of your underdog opponents then
starts cheating and bypassing the impassable
04:36
to strike at the heart of your most crucial
land.
04:41
Worse still, you can’t chase them back through
that terrain.
04:45
If you try, you give them the opportunity
to strike elsewhere.
04:48
This is what the established empires must
have felt when the Muslims started attacking.
04:53
Khalid ibn Al Walid - arguably the greatest
early Muslim general, exploited this prodigious
04:59
mobility to frustrate and exhaust a Sassanid
imperial army in what is perhaps the greatest
05:04
example of its use.
05:10
During an attack in 633, Khalid planted his
Arab army in front of Hufair and tempted Persian
05:12
general Hormuz, then stationed at Kazima to
approach him.
05:18
His heavily-armoured force embarked on a tiring
march to do so.
05:22
When the commander got there however, he discovered
that the Muslims had ghosted into the desert
05:27
and were beelining back towards Kazima.
05:33
Bound to march in the defence of such a strategically
vital place, Hormuz forced his unruly, exhausted
05:36
troops on a countermarch.
05:42
By the time Hormuz arrived back near the city,
his army was near mutinous, barely in a fit
05:44
state to move, let alone fight, and in a terrible
situation.
05:49
Meanwhile, Khalid’s well-mounted, leisurely
stroll back to Kazima had allowed his forces
05:54
to prepare adequately.
05:59
In the subsequent Battle of Chains, rejuvenated
Muslim forces soundly thrashed Hormuz’ thoroughly
06:02
outmaneuvered, physically drained army.
06:08
The average Arab warrior of the early Islamic
conquest period would’ve been far less standardised
06:11
in form than a soldier from the Byzantine
or Sassanid Empires.
06:17
Infantry and cavalry were both prominent,
despite Arabia’s prominent lack of viable
06:22
horse-rearing ground.
06:27
Moreover, the distinction between foot and
mounted troops was often blurred.
06:28
Changing with the situation, cavalry might
dismount and fight as infantry while what
06:33
might be dubbed mobile infantry were frequently
carried to battle on horses or camels.
06:39
Equipment, relatively similar between both
cavalry and infantry, was purchased and provided
06:45
by the individual warrior or tribesman, rather
than being issued by the Rashidun Caliphate
06:51
However, potential combatants who were indeed
too poor to assemble equipment of their own
06:57
might be assisted by wealthy kinsmen, neighbors
or other benefactors.
07:03
Even for the well-to-do in Muslim society,
however, good quality equipment was scarce
07:08
There was nothing overly unique about Muslim
weaponry during their wars of expansion.
07:15
Spear, sword and bow were the primary methods
of assault, but it is said that the Arabs
07:20
possessed particularly long spears and remarkably
short swords when compared to their enemies.
07:25
As this short sword was carried in a shoulder-baldric
rather than a belt at the waist, it is likely
07:32
that this style was copied or inspired by
the old Roman gladius, which was kept in a
07:37
Metal armour seems to have struck both hot
and cold in the Arab mindset from the very
07:44
beginning, as is evident in a saying of the
second caliph Umar.
07:49
He describes mail armour as ‘Keeping our
horseman busy, a nuisance for our infantry
07:53
and yet always a strong protection’.
07:58
Originating from the scalding hot and sun-bleached
deserts of Arabia, heavy armour must have
08:01
seemed anathema to Arab warriors at first,
due to the sheer discomfort it must have brought
08:07
on when worn, not to mention its encumbering
effect.
08:12
We can imagine the more well-off Arab warriors
investing in a coat of mail, only to speak
08:15
to their comrades about it and be met with
traditionalist derision at wearing such a
08:21
Therefore, it may have been that use of armour
was based upon both a warrior’s ability
08:27
to obtain it, in addition to the willingness
to don it in battle and on the march.
08:32
Conversely, it might also have been the case
that mail was reserved for frontline troops,
08:38
while rear-line infantry and archers went
without.
08:44
Whatever the case, a notable and repeated
occurrence during the Rashiduns’ expansion
08:47
was trouble facing enemy archers.
08:53
It became so bad that, whilst fighting the
Byzantines in the eventual victory at Yarmouk,
08:55
Islamic warriors suffered what became known
in legend as the day of lost eyes.
09:01
It might have been that this, in addition
to other such occasions, was brought on by
09:06
a reluctance to wear heavy armour and helmets.
09:12
Two other crucial ‘units’ which partially
made up early Rashidun armies have come to
09:15
symbolise the Muslim style of war during this
period - the ‘mobile guard’ cavalry strike
09:20
force and Mubarizun.
09:26
Rather than being a default part of the Islamic
army of expansion as an institution, however,
09:29
the mobile guard in particular was in fact
a circumstantial reorganisation enacted by
09:34
the great general Khalid Ibn al-Walid in the
middle of his invasion of Syria.
09:40
After the commander’s triumph at Ajnadayn
in late 634, it was clear that the next stage
09:45
of the Muslim invasion would have to pierce
deep into Syria.
09:50
So, sifting through the 8,000 strong army
under his leadership, Khalid extracted the
09:54
most veteran, most elite and deadliest fighters
to form a 4,000 man-strong band of horsemen
10:00
which was known as the ‘Army of Movement’,
or more commonly the mobile guard.
10:07
In an army whose warriors were already battle-hardened
veterans, these paragons were the crème de
10:12
One of those handpicked 4,000 was the near
mythical warrior-captain Qa’qa bin Amr.
10:19
Not only did this ferocious lieutenant supposedly
play a crucial role in both the Battle of
10:24
Chains and the Battle of Yarmouk, but he was
also personally chosen by the caliph to lead
10:29
Arab reinforcements to the Battle of al-Qadissiyah.
10:35
If our sources are to be believed, he also
played a key role in winning this domino-toppling
10:38
clash as an energetic cavalry commander.
10:44
That was the sheer quality of soldiers assembled
together in Khalid’s elite unit.
10:48
As a coherent and unified force, the mobile
guard was frequently used by the legendary
10:53
sword of Allah as a lethal mounted reserve
which could be used wherever it was seen fit.
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The unit could plug a hole in allied lines
by riding swiftly to where aid was most needed,
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or it could sweep around the flanks of an
enemy to roll up their battle line and win
11:11
Under Khalid’s generalship, it played both
of these roles during the battle at Yarmouk.
11:17
Despite its fame and flashy style of warfare,
the Rashidun mobile guard was an incredibly
11:22
short-lived entity, which nevertheless served
its purpose.
11:28
When Khalid was dismissed from his post by
Umar, the regiment as a unified entity was
11:32
simply disbanded and its members dispatched
to other fronts in Islam’s ongoing wars
11:37
Many more of its warriors apparently passed
away during the plague of 639/640, and those
11:45
few who survived accompanied Amr Ibn al-As
to Egypt.
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The Mubarizun, translated as ‘duelists’
or ‘champions’ served the purpose one
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would expect of a warrior bearing their title.
12:00
The bravest men in all the Arab armies, Mubarizun
would step forward alone and battle a Byzantine
12:03
or Persian champion in the ritualised single
combat which was so common in that period.
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Arab champions were particularly deadly, gaining
victory in most battles.
12:16
As victors they would bring pride to their
religion and caliphate, morale to the army
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and conversely demoralise the enemy force.
12:27
Still, despite their successes, Muslim forces
frequently found themselves on the sharp end
12:30
of heavy casualty figures and manpower replenishment
rapidly became an issue that the caliphs needed
12:36
Part of this shortfall was made up by non-Arab
deserters who took up with the invaders and
12:43
quickly became key cogs in the overall machine
of expansion out of the Arabian Peninsula.
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As early as the Battle of Al-Qadissiyah, 4,000
soldiers from the army of Rostam Farrokhzad
12:55
went over to the Muslim side.
13:01
So great was this coup that the defecting
warriors were able to demand from the Arabs
13:03
land of their own choosing, to closely associate
themselves with an Arab band of their own
13:09
preference and to be paid salaries sometimes
even in excess of regular Arab warriors.
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These and other such traitors to the Sassanid
shah’s cause were known as the Hamra, or
13:20
This phenomenon became so prevalent that,
during the Muslim invasion of Khuzestan and
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the Siege of Shushtar, a famous unit of elite
Persian soldiers known thereafter as the Asawira,
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led by one of Yazdegerd’s most senior and
trusted commanders, also went over to the
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Not only did these most capable of soldiers
convert to the new and rising religion of
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Islam, but they were given in exchange the
highest possible level of pay, dwellings in
13:50
the new town of Basra and a position of honour
within the Bani Tamim tribe.
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While a massive amount of Byzantine territory
was lost to the Arabs, it paled to the annihilation
14:02
which they inflicted on the Sassanid state,
almost certainly in large part due to this
14:08
lack of faith in their leadership.
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Persian civilians and soldiers alike seemed
all too eager to defect and join the invaders
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at the slightest opportunity, perhaps due
to instability within the royal house, weakness
14:22
of leadership or oppressive taxes.
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Conversely, Arab soldiers were, as soldiers
go, relatively well behaved.
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Atrocities still, no doubt, occurred in great
quantities, as they do in the vast majority
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of military conflicts.
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However, Islamic rules of military conduct,
known as siyar, mandated that some sense of
14:43
civilisation remained even at the darkest
points of war.
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Enemy envoys were to be safeguarded and inviolate,
non-combatant civilians were to be treated
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as neutral parties and truces were to be accepted
wherever possible.
15:00
‘Do not kill women or children, or an aged
infirm person-’ once proclaimed caliph Abu
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Bakr ‘Do not cut down fruit-bearing trees.
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Do not destroy an inhabited place.
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Do not slaughter sheep or camels except for
food.
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Do not burn bees and do not scatter them.
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Do not steal from the booty and do not be
cowardly.’
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This kind of attitude, which ideally would
result in minimal damage to ‘enemy’ civilian
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occupations and populations, is likely to
have garnered the invading Arabs incredible
15:32
In the previous season, we covered the first
stages of the Muslim conquest of the Middle
15:40
It started in 633 with the campaign in Mesopotamia
against the Sassanid empire by the general
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of the Rashidun Caliphate Khalid ibn al-Walid.
15:53
After a string of victories that brought him
to the border of the Eastern Roman Empire,
15:56
Khalid entered Syria and again won a number
of decisive battles culminating at the battle
16:01
of Yarmouk, which put most of the region under
the control of the Caliphate.
16:06
In southern Mesopotamia though, the Sassanid
empire attempted a counter-attack which led
16:10
to the battle of al-Qadisiyyah.
16:16
After the battle that continued for days,
the Muslim army commanded by Sa’d Ibn Abi
16:19
Waqqas defeated Rostam’s Sassanid force.
16:24
Amidst the slaughter and unfolding catastrophe
at Qadissiyah, the commander of the Persian
16:28
centre-right - Jalinus - assumed leadership
of the imperial army’s remnant and set about
16:34
saving what forces he could.
16:40
Assembling a small, elite strike force, he
thrust towards the al-Atiq dam and drove a
16:42
unit of Muslim troops away before forming
a perimeter and holding it.
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As Sassanid stragglers withdrew across the
dam wall to the other side, Jalinus bravely
16:53
repelled many attacks from the Muslims and
managed to see most of the remaining troops
16:59
to safety, but it was still a painfully small
number.
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When the last of them were on the canal’s
far side, Jalinus had the dam destroyed and
17:07
began hastily pulling his men upstream to
Najaf before the victors fully turned on him.
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Unwilling, however, to give the foe any breathing
room, Sa’d Ibn Abi Waqqas dispatched Qa’qa
17:19
and Shurahbeel to hunt down scattered Persian
units, while cavalry commander Zuhra bin al-Hawiyya
17:26
was sent after Jalinus with 300 elite Arab
horsemen.
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Not deterred by the dam crossing’s destruction,
Zuhra and his 300 drove their mounts into
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the torrent and forded it before chasing Jalinus’
column upstream.
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The latter realised he was being chased and
halted with his own cavalry at a nearby bridge,
17:50
while the infantry carried on withdrawing
all the way to Najaf.
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After a short time, the horsemen of Zuhra
came across Jalinus’ valiant rear-guard
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and charged it, breaking the formation swiftly
and provoking its leader into yet another
18:05
His heels constantly bit by Zuhra as he did,
Jalinus chose to turn and face the enemy in
18:12
a final fight, believing that the best way
to stop the pursuit was to kill the leader.
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So, he halted his forces, turned about face
and arrayed for battle, before personally
18:24
riding before his troops and challenging Zuhra
to single combat.
18:31
Galloping forward atop their horses, the two
exhausted commanders fought one another to
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decide the issue once and for all, and once
again it was the Muslim who came out on top
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after a hard-fought struggle.
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Jalinus was killed and his cavalry took flight,
but many were still caught and slain by Zuhra’s
18:49
By sunset, the 300 reached Najaf, where they
halted for the night.
18:59
With the aim of conquering prosperous Iraq,
which the Muslims believed was the ‘heart
19:04
of the world’, Sa’d reorganised his 20,000
troops into five marching corps1 with Zuhra
19:08
retaining his advance guard position.
19:15
Two weeks after Qadissiyah, he was quickly
joined at Najaf by the remainder of the army
19:17
and given the order to cross the Euphrates.
19:23
Incoming Sassanid reinforcements under Nakheerjan
arrived in the area soon after, having been
19:28
initially bound for Rostam’s now broken
force.
19:34
Hearing of the defeat, the reinforcement group
halted east of the Euphrates and waited for
19:38
new orders from Ctesiphon, which came in the
form of Firuzan, a general tasked by Emperor
19:42
Yazdegerd with preventing or delaying the
seemingly unstoppable advance of the Muslims.
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When Firuzan appraised the situation, he decided
that his army of fresh and recently defeated
19:54
forces under his command wouldn’t be enough
to throw the Arabs back.
20:00
So, he instead prepared defensive actions
at a series of defensible locations and cities
20:04
on the road to the Persian capital, so that
the great city would have time to fortify.
20:10
As his first move, Firuzan ordered the governor
of Burs, Busbuhra, to hold his branch of the
20:18
Euphrates and gave him some troops to help
with the task, while the general and his main
20:24
army started massing near Babylon.
20:29
When Zuhra’s advance guard neared Burs,
the city’s governor rode out to meet him.
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In a short battle, the holding force of Sassanid
troops was routed and Busbuhra severely wounded.
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During the flight, he died from his wounds.
20:44
Following this defeat, the new local leader
made peace with the Caliphate, agreeing to
20:47
provide information and logistical assistance.
20:52
From these new allies, Zuhra learned that
the formidable main Sassanid army opposing
20:57
him was indeed across the Euphrates at Babylon,
along with several high nobles.
21:02
Zuhra then forwarded this crucial information
to Sa’d at Najaf, and waited for the four
21:08
corps trailing his own to catch up.
21:13
When they did, the Muslims advanced on Babylon
in strength and, at some point in December
21:16
636, met Firuzan along the river bank and
crushed his army in a brief but harsh battle.
21:22
One of the defeated generals, Hormuzan, fled
south with his contingent to his domain in
21:29
Ahwaz, while Firuzan and the remainder withdrew
north in good order, leaving garrisons at
21:34
Sura and Deir Kab along the way2.
21:39
Zuhra again set off in hot pursuit and, despite
fierce resistance from the defensive Sassanid
21:43
armies in his way, managed to defeat them
at Sura, Deir Kab, and Kusa on his relentless
21:50
drive to Ctesiphon.
21:56
By early January of 637, the Muslim leader
neared Vologesocerta - just one of the cities
21:58
which made up larger Ctesiphon, where he was
again rejoined by the bulk of the army.
22:04
To the desert-dwelling Arabs, whose largest
urban areas were but a fraction of the size,
22:12
the Persian capital was unlike anything most
of them had ever witnessed in their lives.
22:18
More than just a single city, Ctesiphon had
in fact grown to encompass about seven grandiose
22:23
population centres which had been constructed
and assimilated over the centuries, forming
22:29
Because of its unique nature, the Persian
heartland was dubbed Madain, or ‘The Cities’
22:36
On the Tigris’ western bank stood Seleucia,
Vologesocerta and Veh-Ardashir, while Ctesiphon
22:43
proper and a number of peripheral hubs were
to the east.
22:49
Perhaps the most majestic sight for those
approaching Arabs during 637 would have been
22:53
the 40-meter-tall Arch of Khosrow, an architectural
marvel unique in the world at the time.
22:58
Although Firuzan hadn’t managed to stop
the Muslim advance, his delaying action had
23:05
worked, and now the entire western portion
of Yazdegerd’s imperial capital was fortified
23:13
with a deep ditch, with manned positions at
regular intervals.
23:18
The Sassanid Shah3 and his advisors also massed
a number of ballistae and catapults in the
23:23
bounds of Veh-Ardashir which, as the closest
sub-city to Ctesiphon proper, was the focus
23:28
of their defensive efforts.
23:34
Zuhra ordered an attack on Madain shortly
after his arrival, but Yazdegerd’s artillery
23:37
began launching bolts and throwing giant stones
out of Veh-Ardashir and into the Muslim ranks,
23:43
causing severe losses and forcing Zuhra’s
forces to retreat out of range.
23:49
Unable to reply in kind, he sent scouting
parties to probe and find a way inside, but
23:54
everywhere came across the Persians’ defensive
trench and were unable to breach it.
24:00
Sa’d arrived at this point and assumed command,
swiftly deciding that there was little point
24:06
wasting his warriors in careless assaults
against such strong defences.
24:11
So, instead he established a blockade around
all of Madain west of the Tigris and settled
24:16
his forces down for a long siege.
24:22
However, Sa’d wasn’t content to sit and
wait for victory, taking all measures he thought
24:24
possible to secure a faster surrender of the
unbelievers, primarily by scything away the
24:32
western bastion’s food supplies.
24:38
To do this, he had his subcommanders conduct
raids on the neighboring hinterland, seizing
24:40
cattle and sheep for the Muslims’ own uses
whilst also sapping the enemy’s resources
24:45
by preventing supplies from reaching Veh-Ardashir.
24:51
In the process of doing so, Arab cavalry seized
thousands of farmers as prisoners of war who,
24:54
upon the intercession of a regional leader
who had submitted, were freed upon agreeing
25:01
to pay the Jizya tax.
25:06
In addition, security for their lives and
possessions were guaranteed, an act which
25:08
won the Muslim invaders considerable good
will with the locals.
25:13
Throughout the months long siege, Sa’d’s
warriors had also been continuously harried
25:20
by the sophisticated Sassanid engines of war
Yazdegerd’s generals had amassed, although
25:25
casualties at their hands remained relatively
light.
25:30
Unfortunately for the Persians, some of their
engineers defected during the course of the
25:34
siege and provided their masters with at least
20 novel artillery pieces of their own.
25:39
When these contraptions subsequently began
sending their own missiles howling into Ctesiphon,
25:45
the dense concentration of Sassanid soldiers
and civilians inside resulted in them causing
25:50
terrible destruction.
25:56
The fact that the Muslims had even acquired
weaponry of this kind, which had until then
25:58
been universally in Persian hands, also badly
affected morale.
26:02
By mid-March 637 western Madain’s situation
was becoming intolerable.
26:10
Persian civilians starved to death in the
hundreds, while more were reduced to eating
26:16
stray cats and dogs to survive.
26:21
Beset by such conditions, the Sassanid troops
not manning the ditch were concentrated into
26:24
a single strike force and led in a desperate
sortie beyond their defences.
26:29
The Muslims arrayed to meet them in pitched
battle and a desperate struggle began.
26:35
Zuhra’s corps was in the thick of the action
and he himself was wounded by an arrow.
26:40
Despite his injury, the valiant Bani Tamin
chief led a counterattack and personally slew
26:46
the Persian strike force commander, after
which the defenders withdrew behind their
26:51
The savage fighting to repulse the Persian
attack was followed by a few hours of eerie
26:59
calm, during which a Sassanid officer approached
the Muslims with an offer: each belligerent
27:04
would retain whatever territory they had captured
on their respective sides of the Tigris.
27:10
However, these conditions were declined with
the reply “There can never be peace between
27:16
us until we get honey out of the lemons of
Kusa.”
27:21
When these peace overtures were rejected,
the Persian forces in Veh-Ardashir quietly
27:25
withdrew from their positions and pulled back
across the Tigris.
27:30
Western Ctesiphon was now under Muslim control.
27:34
Yazdegerd III also sent his family, retainers
and treasury ahead to Hulwan, where the emperor
27:38
intended to move his court if the great capital
fell.
27:45
Although behaving as if defeat was already
inevitable, from his seat in the White Palace
27:51
Yazdegerd appointed Rostam’s brother Khurrazad
and Mihran to command the defence of the eastern
27:56
These generals promptly redeployed their remaining
forces on the eastern bank and waited for
28:03
the besiegers’ next move.
28:08
That same evening, on the river’s edge of
newly occupied Veh-Ardashir, Sa’d stared
28:10
across the Tigris at the glorious Arch of
Khosrow and pondered his next move, eager
28:16
to claim it for Islam.
28:21
As Muhammad’s former companion strategised
to himself, a Persian approached him and asked
28:23
“What are you waiting for?”, followed
by the alarming revelation that “Not another
28:28
two days will pass before Yazdegerd departs
with everything in Ctesiphon!”
28:34
Time was now of the essence.
28:39
Another sympathetic local, possibly disillusioned
by heavy Sassanid taxation or possibly even
28:44
a recent convert to Islam, took Sa’d to
a known ford in the river, one which Sa’d
28:50
deemed unsuitable due to the swift current
and deep water.
28:55
Rather than make a hasty decision right then,
he chose to sleep on the issue and decide
28:59
During the night, Sa’d supposedly had a
strange dream in which he saw the Tigris’
29:06
waters, only they were flowing incredibly
quickly and were unrealistically deep.
29:11
Still, his own Arab cavalry appeared and plunged
into the seemingly impassable torrent, reaching
29:16
the other side relatively easily.
29:23
The next morning, Sa’d convened a conference
of his highest generals and declared that
29:25
the cavalry would swim through the river,
and asked if there were any volunteers to
29:30
lead the dangerous attack.
29:35
The first to put himself forward was Asim
bin Amr, Qaqa’s tribal comrade and a dashing
29:37
military leader, followed by 700 of the most
reckless and brave Muslim warriors.
29:43
After all necessary preparations had been
made by midmorning, Asim plunged into the
29:51
water and began his crossing.
29:56
Khurrazad responded by ordering his Persians
into the river to meet them, but after a hearty
29:59
resistance the Sassanid cavalry who responded
were pushed back when one of their comrades
30:04
from the city came, shouting “Why are you
killing yourselves, there is nobody left in
30:10
Ctesiphon to defend!”
30:14
He was at least partially correct.
30:15
Upon receiving word that the Muslims were
crossing the Tigris, Emperor Yazdegerd had
30:18
departed his capital for Hulwan, taking much
of the imperial court with him.
30:23
After their resistance faltered, most of the
army defending the city followed suit4, save
30:29
for a Sassanid regiment fortified in the White
Palace.
30:34
On the Tigris, Sa’d took the opportunity
Asim’s lance-like advance had given him
30:40
and began ferrying the rest of his warriors
across to the bridgehead, not without danger
30:45
of succumbing to the raging waters.
30:50
One man fell from his horse and fell into
the current, but the all-powerful Qaqa reached
30:53
down in the nick of time and heaved him up.
30:58
Despite the myriad dangers of the crossing,
in relatively short order the entire Islamic
31:01
army was on the eastern bank of the Tigris
river.
31:06
The moment Sa’d himself landed, he ordered
Asim and Qaqa to move on the core of Ctesiphon,
31:10
in the process of which they encountered token
resistance, but this was quickly dealt with.
31:15
The Muslims found their final opposition in
the White Palace, but chose to deal with it
31:23
by sending forward yet another companion of
Muhammad - Salman.
31:28
A Persian by birth, he had converted to Islam
after meeting the prophet in Arabia, and now
31:31
his heritage proved a crucial boon.
31:38
“I am actually one of you, I feel for you.”
31:40
he said upon meeting the defenders, and outlined
the usual three choices - Jizya, conversion,
31:43
After a short negotiation, the hopeless palace
troops accepted the Islamic tax and surrendered.
31:51
Ctesiphon - Jewel of the Sassanid imperial
superpower for over four centuries - was now
31:57
in Arab hands, a people who had been a mere
afterthought only years earlier.
32:03
Separate columns of Arab riders under Zuhra
and Qaqa galloped forth from the captured
32:12
city almost immediately, moving in different
directions5 in pursuit of their enemy.
32:16
The spoils were plenty - for example, 11 priceless
suits of armour and swords which belonged
32:22
to Heraclius of the Byzantine Empire, the
Turkish Khagan, and other world leaders.
32:28
Other treasures now in Sa’d’s hands included
gold, jewels, and imperial regalia.
32:34
With the Sassanid capital had come the empire’s
boundless wealth, and also the first major
32:40
mass conversions of Persians to Islam.
32:45
Salman the Persian in particular played a
role in this religious change, preaching to
32:49
his countrymen the values and beliefs of the
new faith.
32:53
Although Ctesiphon and all the ‘Suwad’
was lost to the House of Sasan, the Persians’
32:58
resistance to their conquest by the Muslims
would continue in the old heartland beyond
33:05
We last left the Muslims’ Syrian campaign
in the aftermath of Abu Ubaidah and Khalid
33:15
Ibn al Walid’s triumph over the Romans at
Yarmouk.
33:20
Exhausted from that long six-day struggle,
the Muslims remained camped around Jabiya
33:23
for a month, collecting the bounties of war
and recuperating their strength.
33:29
The scant few of Heraclius’ warriors who
survived the massacre fled north to the relative
33:34
safety of Northern Syria, leaving Palestine
at the mercy of the Islamic forces.
33:39
Without an army to check his progress, Abu
Ubaidah assembled his generals in October
33:47
636 to decide how best to exploit the situation.
33:52
Some argued for an attack on the strategic
lynchpin of Caesarea - a coastal fortress
33:57
whose garrison could be indefinitely reprovisioned
by the Roman navy if besieged, but which could
34:02
also serve as a potential beachhead for a
counterattack if not taken.
34:08
If the Muslims got it, the campaign for Palestine
would be over.
34:13
However, other commanders pointed inland towards
a much simpler and symbolically enticing target
34:17
Not only could this isolated city be strangled
into submission with relative ease, but the
34:25
loss of their holiest place would be a crushing
blow to Roman Christian morale.
34:31
Unable to come to a decision, Abu Ubaidah
sent a message to Caliph Umar asking his opinion.
34:37
The reply was simple - take Jerusalem.
34:42
So, Abu Ubaidah led the Muslim army straight
at the holy city.
34:45
Realising what was about to happen, Jerusalem’s
patriarch Sophronius secretly sent the holiest
34:50
Christian relics, including the true cross,
off to Constantinople by sea.
34:56
The raiding Arab mobile guard under Khalid
reached Jerusalem sometime in November, just
35:04
before the rest of the army, and this prompted
the Roman garrison to pull back inside.
35:10
Discovering to their chagrin that its fortifications
had been reinforced after Yarmouk in anticipation
35:16
of just such a siege, the five commanders
- Abu Ubaidah, Khalid, Yazid, Amr and Shurahbil,
35:21
nevertheless blocked off all passage in and
out of Jerusalem.
35:28
This state of affairs continued for four months
in a relatively uneventful siege of which
35:34
few details survive.
35:39
The situation in the city must have become
unbearable though, because in March 637 Sophronius
35:42
offered to surrender Jerusalem if Umar himself
came and personally signed the treaty with
35:48
When these terms became known, Shurahbil suggested
that Khalid, whose appearance was relatively
35:54
similar to that of the caliph, should impersonate
their leader and secure a quick surrender.
36:00
However, this attempt at deception failed
the next morning because Khalid was far too
36:06
well known in the Levant by this point.
36:11
When it did, Abu Ubaidah instead dispatched
a message to Medina explaining the situation.
36:15
A few weeks later, having made the long journey
from Arabia, Caliph Umar arrived near Jerusalem.
36:23
Khalid and Yazid greeted him, both dressed
in fine silk clothing, but this annoyed Umar
36:30
- a firm enemy of luxury and a proponent of
the Spartan way of life.
36:35
Seeing his generals in such a state of apparent
excess, the caliph picked up some pebbles
36:41
and threw them at the two stunned men, shouting
“Shame on you, that you greet me in this
36:46
It is only in the last two years that you
have eaten your fill!”.
36:52
The caliph’s rage was quickly sated when
Khalid and Shurahbil revealed that they were,
36:55
in fact, still carrying armour and weapons
beneath their fine outer garments.
37:00
Drama aside, he quickly got down to business
and negotiated with Sophronius, with the result
37:07
that Jerusalem was opened to the Muslims by
late April.
37:13
It is said that the pact between Umar and
Sophronius recognised Christians as a ‘protected
37:17
people’ with the right to practice their
own religion in return for the Jizya, but
37:23
this ‘Covenant of Umar’ is probably apocryphal.
37:28
Now that the holy city of Christendom was
in his hands, the caliph conferred with his
37:32
commanders and then went back to Arabia.
37:36
The Syrian army then split into thirds, with
Amr and Shurahbil moving to reoccupy and secure
37:42
Palestine, Yazid besieging Caesarea, while
Khalid and Abu Ubaidah moved to begin the
37:48
conquest of Northern Syria.
37:53
With the situation in the region seemingly
hopeless after the Yarmouk disaster, Emperor
37:56
Heraclius sailed from Antioch and withdrew
back into Anatolia, intent on consolidating
38:01
Byzantine military strength and protecting
the remainder of his empire.
38:06
Once the ship departed, it is said that Heraclius
said the words: “Farewell, a long farewell
38:11
to Syria, my fair province.
38:18
You are an enemy’s now.
38:20
Peace be with you, o’ Syria, what a beautiful
land you will be for the enemy’s hands.”
38:22
Despite this effective abandonment, some of
the Roman garrisons were still determined
38:27
to resist the Arab advance.
38:32
From Jerusalem, a 17,000 strong force under
Khalid and Abu Ubaidah marched unopposed to
38:35
Damascus, and then even further north to Emesa.
38:41
From there, Khalid was dispatched with his
elite mobile guard to Chalkis - modern Qinnasrin
38:47
- but was intercepted on a plain at nearby
Hazir by 7,000 men under the town’s Roman
38:52
He deployed his limited forces in three divisions
- a centre and two wings, placing himself
39:01
Khalid charged with his Arab cavalry and soon
enough a fearsome mounted engagement was underway.
39:08
After only a short amount of time, however,
Menas was slain amidst heavy fighting, and
39:15
his troops, who loved their general, went
wild with fury.
39:20
Despite their numerical inferiority, the Roman
troops matched the Muslims pound-for-pound
39:24
in the head-on clash, pushing them back a
little but committing themselves too much.
39:29
To exploit the opportunity, Khalid detached
a unit of cavalry from one of his wings and
39:35
led it around the Byzantine line, attacking
his enemy from the rear and defeating them.
39:40
It is said that not a single Roman survived
this engagement at Hazir.
39:46
Following this victory, in June 637, Khalid
moved on Chalkis itself, where the garrison
39:53
was stubbornly fortified in the town’s citadel.
39:59
Rather than launching an assault, the Muslim
general merely demanded those inside and the
40:02
defenders surrender, which they did soon after.
40:07
Abu Ubaidah rejoined Khalid at this point
and the pair moved north to Aleppo, where
40:11
they defeated a minor Byzantine force commanded
by Joachim in a pitched battle outside the
40:16
Much like at Chalkis, the Romans retreated
into their fortifications - a hilltop citadel
40:22
outside Aleppo itself.
40:27
Joachim sallied out a few times in an attempt
to break the siege, but failed, and by October
40:29
637 the city was in Arab hands.
40:35
The greatest Roman city in Syria - Antioch,
was now close.
40:41
To precipitate an attack on it, Ubaidah sent
a strike force to deal with the garrison at
40:45
Azaz in the north, so that no Roman units
could hit them from the flank as they were
40:50
This was done swiftly, and when the strike
force returned Ubaidah’s advance on Antioch
40:57
When the Muslim army was 12 miles from one
of the urban jewels of the Byzantine Empire,
41:03
they were met at an iron bridge over the Orontes
River by a powerful Roman army who had come
41:08
Although the details of this ‘Battle of
the Iron Bridge’ are also unknown, it is
41:15
clear that Khalid used his mobile guard to
superb effect, crushing the Romans in a battle
41:20
whose casualties were only exceeded by Ajnadayn
and Yarmouk.
41:26
In the wake of thousands of fleeing enemy
soldiers, the Muslims approached and besieged
41:30
Antioch, but taking the illustrious capital
of the east was an anticlimax.
41:35
Only a few days into Abu Ubaidah’s investment
- October 30th, the weakened city surrendered
41:41
on terms and its defenders were permitted
to withdraw north unmolested.
41:47
Having cleaved the Eastern Roman Empire into
two disconnected pieces, Abu Ubaidah dispatched
41:54
Khalid on a daring cavalry raid across the
Taurus Mountains and into the Tarsus region,
42:00
while the supreme commander himself thrust
south down the Mediterranean coast, capturing
42:06
seaports such as Laodicea, Gibala, Antarados
and Tripoli making it impossible for emperor
42:11
Heraclius to use the superior Roman navy to
bring armies into the Levant.
42:17
Although fighting in the area was far from
over, by late 637 most generals of Syrian
42:23
campaign settled down to rule their respective
regions as governors1.
42:29
At Hulwan, Yazdegerd III was still eager to
salvage his crumbling empire after the loss
42:34
To do this, he ordered the main Persian army
under Mihran and Khurrazad to halt their retreat
42:44
and turn to face the invaders near Jalula.
42:50
Armies attempting to push north past the riverside
town were forced to march through a narrow
42:56
gap between the Tigris’ Diyala tributary
to the west side and an area of barely passable
43:01
broken ground to the east.
43:07
If Mihran’s 20-30,000 could hold this position,
the remainder of the northern Suwad and Sassanid
43:10
territory east of the Zagros Mountains would
be unassailable.
43:16
With the aim of converting Jalula into an
impenetrable fortress able to resist any enemy
43:21
thrust, Mihran immediately started digging
in.
43:26
A ditch was excavated three miles to the south
which connected the broken ground to the river,
43:30
Behind this trench were a number of other
fortifications, artillery and thousands of
43:37
Persian archers, while in front were placed
an array of wooden anti-cavalry caltrops.
43:42
Recruits were mustered, armed and trained
from the local area, and provisions were gathered
43:48
from around the nearby countryside.
43:53
Jalula was to be a crucial battle.
43:56
The moment Sassanid defensive works began
around Jalula, word reached Sa’d in Ctesiphon
44:01
that this was happening.
44:07
As the Muslim general was just as keen to
seize the fertile northern Suwad as his Persian
44:08
enemies were to keep hold of it, and wanting
to push the defensive frontier eastwards,
44:13
Sa’d sent his nephew Hashim bin Utba with
12,000 troops to reduce the Persian position.
44:18
In order to prevent reinforcement or retreat,
Sa’d also dispatched 5,000 men to deal with
44:25
Persian governor Intaq’s garrison at Mosul.
44:31
After several attempts at taking that city
by storm, Muslim spies managed to secure the
44:35
defection of a Christian Arab contingent in
a betrayal which led to the fall of Mosul.
44:40
In the main force heading for Jalula during
March 637, Hashim brought with him many companions
44:49
of Muhammed, as well as the ever-ferocious
Qaqa ibn Amr.
44:55
Also in the Muslim ranks were several thousand
Persian troops along with Sassanid officers
45:00
who had joined them after Ctesiphon.
45:05
When the Arabs and their Persian units approached
the Jalula gap after a day’s march from
45:08
the former Sassanid capital, Hashim constructed
his camp and deployed along the southern arc
45:12
of Mihran’s protective trench, unwilling
to launch an outright assault against it.
45:18
So, the situation remained in this manner
for many months, during which reinforcements,
45:23
provisions and money was channeled into the
fortified city from Hulwan, where Emperor
45:29
Yazdegerd was continuously rallying additional
forces.
45:33
Aware that his situation was only going to
worsen with time, Hashim ordered several attempts
45:40
at storming the fortified ditch.
45:45
Despite the disconcerting failure of Mihran’s
wooden caltrops to stop Arab cavalry, Persian
45:48
missile troops managed to overwhelm and repel
these attacks.
45:54
Afterwards, the Sassanids replaced the wooden
obstacles with more effective iron ones.
45:58
Demoralised due to their lack of success in
breaking the Persian line, the Muslims ceased
46:05
offensive actions for a while, and that gave
Mihran an opportunity of his own.
46:09
Utilising the constant steady stream of reinforcements
coming his way, the Persian general began
46:14
launching sorties against Hashim’s positions,
inflicting losses and gaining confidence as
46:20
Although the Muslim army was easily able to
fight up to 80 of these attacks off when they
46:26
arrived and pushed Mihran back into his fortifications
repeatedly, there was still no way to break
46:31
With little other option, Hashim sent word
back to Ctesiphon that he required reinforcements.
46:39
Sa’d initially sent 600 infantry and 400
cavalry to bolster the army at Jalula, but
46:45
this total was barely enough to replace the
losses suffered during eight months of battle
46:53
So, soon after, another 500 cavalry reinforcements
were dispatched which included many competent
46:59
Arabic tribal chiefs who had fought against
the Caliphate in the Ridda Wars.
47:06
The Persians, having been themselves reinforced
by Yazdegerd and emboldened by Muslim inability
47:11
to break their defences, now decided to go
on the attack before Hashim was further reinforced.
47:17
Mihran also realised that simply waiting wasn’t
going to win him the battle - the only way
47:23
to make the Muslim invaders leave was to inflict
a decisive defeat on them.
47:28
Deployment for an assault began with haste.
47:36
Such Sassanid preparations for a major attack
could not be concealed, and it immediately
47:38
attracted Hashim’s attention.
47:44
This state of affairs was, however, also favourable
to the Muslims, who were utterly sick and
47:46
tired of sitting helplessly outside Mihran’s
fortifications, So, to facilitate a pitched
47:51
battle, Hashim withdrew his forces a short
distance to the south and allowed his Persian
47:57
adversaries to cross their own entrenchments,
thereafter arraying for battle opposite.
48:03
The actual order of battle at Jalula is obscure
to us, but we do know that two former ‘apostate’
48:09
chiefs - Amr bin Madi Karib of the Zubaid
family and Tuleiha bin Khuleiwad of the Banu
48:14
Asad, were given command of the cavalry and
infantry respectively.
48:21
Now that the Persian rear was anchored by
their own ditch, the only direction to move
48:28
was forwards, and that is just what happened.
48:32
At Mihran’s command, the Battle of Jalula
proper began with a full-scale Sassanid attack
48:36
along the entire front, with archers and javelineers
loosing their projectiles before melee troops
48:41
The charge struck with devastating impact,
but Hashim’s Muslims nevertheless resisted
48:49
stalwartly for a time, refusing to give an
inch of ground.
48:54
This didn’t last long however, as the ferocious
assault, fired up by constant shouts swearing
48:58
vengeance for Qadissiyah and Ctesiphon, began
punching small holes in various places along
49:04
These successful thrusts endangered the integrity
of the entire Muslim front, and it was immediately
49:13
clear to Hashim that the danger of total collapse
was very real, and perhaps imminent.
49:18
To resolve the problem, Sa’d’s nephew
rode along his buckling line to speak inspirationally
49:25
to those units which were weakening, proclaiming
that if they persisted, this was the last
49:30
battle they would have to fight.
49:35
The present clash between Sassanid and Muslim
troops became increasingly brutal as both
49:37
sides’ missile units ran out of javelins
and arrows, instead taking up melee weapons
49:43
and charging into the slog themselves.
49:48
Both armies had units battered into non-functionality
by the extended fighting, but when this happened
49:50
the Persians were able to replace them, while
Hashim had no such luxury.
49:57
Because of this numerical disadvantage, one
Islamic unit gave way and routed to the rear
50:04
at about noon, leaving a potentially fatal
vacuum in the Muslim line.
50:10
However, either because Mihran did not notice
the opportunity or due to his soldiers’
50:14
exhaustion, an attack on the position was
not ordered and Hashim scraped together some
50:20
men to fill the position.
50:25
Witnessing the flight of this unit, Qaqa rode
back and restored order, returning it to the
50:27
Almost unbearable desert heat and the brutal
fighting led to the Persians halting their
50:34
offensive just after this, and both sides
disengaged.
50:38
After a short rest, Mihran planned to keep
piling on the pressure, but Hashim had other
50:43
As his enemy had before, the Muslim general
ordered his warriors to charge across the
50:50
entire front, spoiling Mihran’s assault
and initiating another gruelling clash which
50:54
lasting for over an hour without a decisive
moment.
51:00
Just before sunset, however, the wind whipped
up and a storm rolled in from the south, a
51:04
weather phenomenon which affected the Persians
more than the hardy desert nomads.
51:10
As the wind was now at the Muslims’ back,
granting them momentum in the advance, Hashim
51:17
signalled Qaqa ibn Amr to embark on a maneuver
they had prepared beforehand.
51:22
While his general kept Mihran occupied in
front, the buccaneering Arab warrior took
51:27
a regiment away from the left wing unnoticed
and managed to circle around the Persian rear.
51:32
Instead of attacking immediately, Qaqa left
most of his outflanking force in a sheltered
51:39
area to stop them being seen, then took a
few outriders and a man with an incredibly
51:43
strong voice close to the main crossing point
over the Persian trench.
51:48
Following the call, multiple things happened
at once.
51:56
First, the Muslim army, deceived by their
own into believing that their general had
51:59
reached the trench alone, attacked with renewed
vigour and peak morale.
52:04
At the same time, worried that large numbers
of Muslims were now behind them, individual
52:09
Sassanid units, who did not have a strategic
overview of the field, panicked, lost cohesion
52:15
The coup de grace was administered by Qaqa
himself, whose flanking force charged upon
52:22
hearing the shout, whirling into Mihran’s
flank like a thunderbolt.
52:27
At the impact, the Sassanid line was rolled
up before being encircled entirely.
52:32
Still, however, the Persian forces were stalwart,
refusing to collapse utterly despite their
52:37
unwinnable situation.
52:43
Muslim forces continued attacking the encircled
but still resistant forces of Mihran all day,
52:45
losing troops as they did.
52:52
However, the Sassanid soldiers were only human.
52:53
At sunset, as the sky began to darken, everything
fell apart and the Persians routed, only to
52:56
be cut down as they fled.
53:03
A great mass of them, driven into the ditch
and their own iron stakes by Hashim’s army,
53:05
Up to half of the Sassanid army perished at
Jalula, while the remainder, including the
53:10
town garrison, fled in the direction of Hulwan,
and the town itself fell in December 637.
53:19
Shortly after, Qaqa rode in pursuit of the
retreating enemy and defeated them first at
53:25
Khaniqeen, before besieging and capturing
Hulwan in January 638.
53:32
Emperor Yazdegerd retreated beyond the Zagros.
53:37
When Qaqa subsequently wrote to the caliph
asking permission to operate deeper in Persia,
53:41
Umar would have absolutely none of it.
53:46
Forbidding the operation, he replied “I
wish that between the Suwad and the hills
53:49
were a wall which would prevent them from
getting to us and prevent us from getting
53:54
The fertile Suwad is sufficient for us, and
I prefer the safety of the Muslims to the
53:59
Expansion to the east was halted, but the
Muslims were now looking towards the jewel
54:09
in the Roman imperial crown - Egypt.
54:13
Despite winning all of Syria and Iraq for
Islam in a series of stunning victories, the
54:19
caliphate’s military situation remained
unstable.
54:25
Fierce Persian resistance continued in the
mountainous to the northeast, while Emperor
54:28
Heraclius was hindering the Muslim advance
as much as he could.
54:33
To stall for time while he created an impenetrable
dead-zone between the Anatolian plain and
54:37
enemy-occupied Syria, Heraclius sent envoys
to his Christian Arab allies in the Jazeera
54:44
area , requesting that they attack the Muslim
army in Syria.
54:50
They obeyed the emperor’s orders, crossing
the Euphrates and arriving outside Emesa in
54:54
March 638, where Abu Ubaidah had concentrated
his forces to meet them.
55:00
However, Umar, in his typically hands-on fashion,
reacted to this news by sending orders to
55:06
Sa’d, in Persia, for three columns to invade
Jazeera from Iraq.
55:15
When this group of Muslim warriors launched
their attack and began plundering, the Christian
55:21
In the aftermath, forces under Sa’d turned
and annexed Jazeera completely.
55:28
At the same time, multiple mounted raiding
parties were sent by Abu Ubaidah into Roman
55:36
Khalid, the commander of one of these contingents,
captured Marash in Autumn 638, and hauled
55:43
vast quantities of loot back to his base at
Qinnasrin.
55:49
However, Khalid wasn’t a man accustomed
to hoarding wealth, routinely distributing
55:54
his personal share of battle spoils to others.
55:59
On one occasion after his raid on Heraclius’
lands, an Arab chief and excellent poet - Ash’as
56:03
bin Qais - recited a beautiful piece for Khalid,
and in return was given 10,000 dirhams.
56:09
Unknown to the poet’s benefactor, this act
of generosity was in fact to herald the end
56:17
of his peerless military career.
56:23
Caliph Umar had been concerned about Khalid
for years by 638, specifically that his personal
56:28
brilliance and constant victories were enticing
the Muslims to worship him, rather than god.
56:35
So, when Umar received reports of his general’s
extravagance, Umar used it as an excuse to
56:41
dismiss the Sword of Islam from his post and
bring him to Medina.
56:48
When the two formidable men came face to face,
the caliph spoke the words: “You have done,
56:53
and no man has done as you have done.
56:59
But it is not people who do; it is Allah who
does.”
57:02
After this, Khalid left Arabia for Chalkis,
where he lived just four more unhappy, unremarkable
57:06
years before finally passing away in 642.
57:13
As the undefeated victor of hundreds of clashes
leaves our story, another bold but historically
57:20
unappreciated Arab general enters the limelight.
57:27
That was the forty-eight-year-old Amr ibn
al-As, who won distinction during the battles
57:31
at Ajnadayn, Yarmouk, and many others.
57:37
When Abu Ubaidah appointed the conquered regions
to his subordinates, Amr received all of Palestine.
57:40
Upon moving into the area, he forced the surrender
of Gaza and several other Roman garrisons
57:47
which had remained unconquered after the Fall
of Jerusalem.
57:53
In early 639, plague spread rapidly throughout
the Levant.
57:59
The Arabs, unaccustomed to this kind of terrible
disease because of their nomadic lifestyle,
58:04
died in the thousands, including generals
Yazid, Shurahbil, and Abu Ubaidah himself.
58:10
It is worth noting that upon Yazid’s death,
his younger brother Muawiya was appointed
58:16
as governor in his place.
58:22
Amr, who survived, was given command of the
army, and this gave him a golden opportunity
58:24
to propose an idea to the caliph : Having
visited Alexandria multiple times earlier
58:30
in his life, Amr was well aware of just how
prosperous the Nile region was, and believed
58:36
it would be easy to conquer.
58:42
The new commander put forward his plan to
seize Roman Egypt for Islam, confidently declaring
58:45
to the caliph: “It is the richest of lands,
and the weakest in defending itself!”
58:51
Although Umar, who wished to consolidate Muslim
gains after years of incessant warfare and
58:57
plague, was initially reluctant, believing
Amr was underestimating the task, his eloquence
59:03
and persistence eventually led the caliph
to relent.
59:09
Restricted to just 4,000 troops, mainly cavalry,
Amr set forth from Jabiya that same night
59:16
in total secrecy, under the condition that
he would withdraw if instructions to turn
59:22
back reached him before he crossed into Egypt.
59:28
However, if Amr’s army was already inside
Egypt when these instructions arrived, it
59:30
Convinced almost immediately that this expedition
was too risky, Umar sent a camel rider off
59:39
to Amr carrying a sealed letter, ordering
him to pull back.
59:44
When it reached the general at Rafah, just
a few miles from Egypt, Amr understood that
59:49
the letter would doom his expedition before
it even began.
59:54
So, Amr left the message unopened and moved
into Egypt and only then opened the letter,
59:58
and since the army was already in Egypt when
Umar’s orders were revealed, Amr reasoned
00:04
that it could keep going.
00:10
The timeless province of power and riches
was incredibly vulnerable, weakened by years
00:14
of military laxity and alienated from the
imperial authorities in Constantinople by
00:20
long-standing cultural and religious differences.
00:27
The primary factor was that the Copts - Egypt’s
native population - adhered to a different
00:31
form of Christianity to the empire at large
. Emperor Heraclius in particular persecuted
00:37
any perceived heretic in a manner that made
religious division inevitable.
00:43
The Roman authorities in Alexandria were alerted
to Amr’s presence, responding by raising
00:51
troops and sending some of them to reinforce
Pelusium - the ‘key to Egypt’.
00:57
Setting forth from Arish in late December
639, the Caliphate’s small army of veterans
01:03
soon reached Pelusium, besieging it by land.
01:09
However, Roman naval superiority meant that
the city garrison could be reinforced and
01:13
supplied, and this led to a two-month-long
siege which was only brought to a conclusion
01:19
when the Muslims repulsed a sortie and stormed
the city in mid-February 640.
01:25
After taking Pelusium, to the alarm and astonishment
of the government in Alexandria, Amr marched
01:34
unopposed along the Nile Delta’s eastern
fringe until he reached the citadel of Bilbeis.
01:40
The defenders resisted under blockade for
a month, giving the Romans time to shift their
01:47
Aware that the marauding 4,000 Arabs were
aiming for the Memphis area , Egypt’s prefect
01:54
and Patriarch of Alexandria, Cyrus, marched
a 20,000 strong army to reinforce the nearby
02:00
fortress called Babylon.
02:07
Commanded by Augustalis Theodorus and garrisoned
by 5,000 soldiers, Babylon was one of the
02:09
Nile’s strongest defensive bastions, standing
60 feet high in places and possessing walls
02:18
up to six feet thick.
02:25
By the time Amr starved the Bilbeis defenders
into surrender in the spring of 640, the Romans
02:27
were prepared for his inevitable assault.
02:34
Bypassing Heliopolis on their left, the Muslims
arrived outside Babylon in May.
02:38
Due to its sheer size, only some of Theodorus’
army were manning the battlements, while most
02:42
were encamped outside of the northern wall
of the fortress, protected by a deep arcing
02:49
Fortifying this secondary protection even
further were spikes in front and undug sections
02:56
around the perimeter to act as sally points.
03:02
Shortly after arriving and witnessing the
Roman strength arrayed inside Babylon, Amr
03:09
launched his 4,000 against the Roman units
directly in front of the trench.
03:14
After a hard-fought skirmish, the Muslims
were repulsed with relative ease and set about
03:19
finally making camp.
03:25
Observing that his plan to keep Theodorus
on the defensive was paying off, Amr mounted
03:27
daily raids against the Roman positions all
along the ditch.
03:33
Furthermore, in an attempt to conceal just
how tiny his forces were, the Muslim commander
03:37
split and spread it over a large area.
03:43
This state of affairs lasted for two months
- the Muslims constantly assailing the Roman
03:47
positions and the Romans remaining hunkered
down behind the ditch, presumably believing
03:52
they would be able to win without fighting.
03:58
By July, no opportunity to gain a decisive
victory had shown itself to Amr and his men
04:01
were slowly tiring.
04:09
So, having put the eventuality to the back
of his mind, the man who had proclaimed that
04:11
taking Egypt would be simple, wrote to the
caliph asking for reinforcements.
04:17
Rather than chiding his overly optimistic
general, Umar mustered and sent him 4,000
04:23
reinforcements to conclude the campaign, who
reached Amr a few weeks later.
04:29
With these new forces, the Muslim attacks
on Babylon were renewed with even greater
04:34
force, killing large numbers of Roman soldiers
but failing to break the bastion’s resistance.
04:40
Even more hesitantly than the first time,
Amr sent another request for Umar’s aid.
04:47
This time, a further 4,000 troops were dispatched
under the leadership of Zubayr bin Al-Awwam
04:53
who, despite being offered Amr’s command
by the irritated caliph, merely stated that
04:59
he wished to help the Muslims engaged in Egypt.
05:05
These new troops arrived in late September.
05:09
After conducting a personal reconnaissance
mission around the area, Zubayr pointed something
05:15
out to Amr which the general seems to have
missed: still present about 10 miles behind
05:20
the Muslim army was the Roman-garrisoned city
of Heliopolis.
05:26
If coordinated correctly, these troops could
smash into the Muslims from behind if Theodorus
05:31
launched any attack from Babylon.
05:37
To remove this potential threat, Amr led a
large portion of his 12,000 total soldiers
05:40
to Heliopolis, leaving just enough at the
fortress to keep the Romans on their toes.
05:46
Upon approaching the walls, however, some
of the garrison’s cavalry contingent emerged
05:52
from the city and beat some of Amr’s horsemen
in a brief engagement.
05:57
Nevertheless, they were forced to pull back
inside the walls as the city was besieged.
06:01
Only a short time after investing Heliopolis,
Zubayr and a small unit of handpicked warriors
06:08
scaled the walls in a dashing maneuver and
breached the city.
06:14
Seeing this, and realising that the result
of the clash was inevitable anyway, Heliopolis’
06:19
garrison sued for peace and paid the Jizya,
after which Amr and Zubayr returned to Babylon.
06:25
In their absence, the Romans had driven away
the Muslim detachments closest to the trench
06:35
and re-established their positions beyond
it.
06:39
Theodorus, likely realising that he wasn’t
going to have the luxury of simply waiting
06:43
the invaders out, began employing the Muslims’
own tactics against them, launching daily
06:48
raids through the Roman bridgeheads.
06:53
Although the Romans generally lost more men
in these scattered engagements, they could
06:56
afford to, while Amr could not.
07:01
The stalemate went on relatively unchanged
until a revered Arab officer - Kharija bin
07:04
Huzafa - approached Amr with a risky but potentially
decisive plan to win the battle.
07:10
That night, Kharija was given a cavalry regiment
and ordered to lay his trap, which he did
07:19
by riding around to the southern spur of a
featureless ridge on the eastern side of the
07:25
After quietly taking up a concealed position
relatively close to the Romans’ ditch, the
07:32
Muslim cavalry waited.
07:38
As Huzafa suspected, when morning came the
Roman forces crossed the trench in force and
07:40
deployed for battle - the Muslims arrayed
opposite them.
07:46
When both sides were ready, Theodorus launched
his attack across the front, pushing Amr,
07:50
who ordered his army to retreat from Babylon
with suspicious ease.
07:56
It was, in reality, a feigned retreat.
08:01
When the melee had moved far beyond Babylon’s
defensive trench, Kharija’s mounted contingent
08:06
galloped out from their hiding place behind
the ridge and occupied the crossing areas
08:12
which Theodorus would have to use for any
retreat.
08:17
Amr, seeing that his horsemen were in place,
countercharged with immense ferocity, driving
08:20
the Romans back towards their own fortifications.
08:26
Hearing the given signal, Kharija also launched
his assault, crashing straight into Theodorus
08:30
rear, hemming the Romans in and then encircling
them.
08:36
Many defenders were killed, but a few Roman
units turned and burst through Huzafa’s
08:40
cavalry, managing to resecure the crossing
points.
08:46
The remnants of the Roman army at Babylon
retreated across the trench, pursued closely
08:52
by Amr’s forces, who continued their attack
up to the very walls of the fortress.
08:57
Fighting continued in the space between the
ditch and the citadel proper until the gate
09:03
was closed from inside.
09:08
Those who got in were the lucky ones, as not
a single Roman soldier remained alive on the
09:10
field of battle . The morale of Cyrus, who
was not a military man by profession, and
09:16
the Roman soldiery as a whole, was completely
shaken by this stark defeat, and to the prefect
09:23
it was clear that peace had to be concluded.
09:30
To make matters even more dire, Amr somehow
got his hands on a few catapults and used
09:34
them to launch deadly boulders, softening
up the defences.
09:40
When this began happening, Cyrus departed
Babylon with a small escort and took up residence
09:45
on the midriver island of Rauda, from which
the fortress was being resupplied.
09:50
Then the Coptic prefect dejectedly sent word
to the Muslims that he wished to treat with
09:56
Envoys were exchanged back and forth between
the two sides, and Heraclius’ viceroy attempted
10:04
to offer Amr a lavish bribe if the Muslims
left Egypt, but the Arab commander responded
10:10
by giving 3 options - conversion to Islam,
payment of the Jizya, or death.
10:17
Cyrus favoured capitulating in some form,
but his Egyptian colleagues wouldn’t have
10:23
any of it, so the stalemate continued outside
the impenetrable fortress.
10:28
Since coming to terms with Cyrus was impossible,
Amr went into Babylon with a few companions
10:34
in order to speak with Theodorus.
10:39
However, when he was entering the fortress,
a Roman soldier muttered to him scornfully
10:41
“You have entered, now see how you get out.”
10:47
Correctly believing orders had been given
for him to be killed upon exiting the conference,
10:51
Amr tricked his way out of the fortress, convincing
Theodorus that he was going to bring even
10:56
more of his generals unwittingly into the
trap.
11:02
These attempts at ending the siege failed
and the gridlock outside Babylon continued.
11:08
But finally, in mid-December, the observant
Zubayr noticed that, since most of the fighting
11:13
had taken place on Babylon’s northern side,
the riverside Gate of Iron and its two guard
11:19
towers were relatively undefended.
11:26
Just like that, the Muslims had found a key
to Theodorus’ citadel.
11:28
Swiftly putting his infiltration plan into
action with Amr’s blessing, Zubayr assembled
11:37
a unit to conduct the operation.
11:42
On the moonless, clear night of December 20th
640, most of the Muslim army arrayed quietly
11:45
outside the Gate of Iron while Zubayr and
his comrades climbed ladders up the wall.
11:51
Then, when some of his men were gathered on
top, a deafening Islamic battle cry was sounded
11:57
and echoed by the entire army, causing shock
and panic amongst defenders who had no idea
12:03
what was happening.
12:09
Amidst the chaos, Zubayr slew the gatehouse
sentries and broke the chain which held the
12:11
gate closed, allowing Amr and the Muslim army
to flood inside.
12:16
While some of the more elite Roman formations
made a brave last stand, most of their comrades
12:22
routed towards the Nile.
12:28
Once they reached the riverbank, the soldiers
crossed to the safety of Rauda on pre-prepared
12:30
boats, which ferried soldiers back and forth
throughout the night.
12:35
Among those who fled was Theodorus, who managed
to escape Amr’s grasp and run back to Alexandria.
12:40
The next day, Cyrus sued for and obtained
peace for the Copts on Muslim terms, agreeing
12:49
to pay the Jizya and submit the entire country
to Islamic rule.
12:55
The Romans in Egypt could either accept and
remain, or reject and depart.
13:00
Unsurprisingly, when Heraclius received a
letter from Cyrus seeking the imperial stamp
13:07
of approval for his peace with Amr, the emperor
was furious and categorically refused, responding
13:12
with a message full of scorn and insults.
13:19
To ensure that an active defence of Egypt
continued despite the prefect’s treachery,
13:23
Heraclius had other messages ordering firm
resistance delivered to all of his Roman generals
13:29
in Egypt, who obeyed their sovereign without
question.
13:34
Cyrus, disavowed by the Romans, put himself
and the Copts under Amr’s command, promising
13:38
the Muslims administrative and engineering
assistance.
13:45
Memphis was now secure, and the push towards
Alexandria could begin.
13:49
After the fall of Babylon to Rashidun forces
in December 640, Amr Ibn al-As kept his army
13:58
stationed in the area for a while, dispatching
word to caliph Umar of his triumph and requesting
14:04
permission to continue the conquest towards
Alexandria.
14:10
This pause also gave his army a much-needed
rest.
14:14
In Constantinople, the elderly and sickly
Emperor Heraclius reacted to the latest Muslim
14:18
victory by ferrying several thousand more
imperial reinforcements to Egypt over the
14:24
They had clear orders - protect Alexandria
at all costs.
14:31
Upon making landfall at the provincial capital,
these reinforcements and the existing Alexandrian
14:36
garrison, possibly under Theodorus’ command,
began working to strengthen the city fortifications
14:42
and fanning out to defensible positions en
route to the city.
14:48
Reports of these preparations made it south
to Amr.
14:55
At about the same time, a messenger arrived
from Arabia with the caliph’s order to advance
14:59
and seize Alexandria.
15:04
So, leaving a small garrison to hold down
Babylon and keep the Memphis region in check,
15:06
Amr gave orders for his men to break camp.
15:13
The 12,000 strong Muslim army headed northwards
in February 641.
15:16
Marching along the Nile Delta’s western
fringe immediately adjacent to a familiar
15:22
desert climate, the Muslims overcame light
Roman resistance at Tarnut and Kaum Shareek
15:27
before turning northwest, away from the river.
15:32
After subsequently capturing Sulteis, Amr
then won a bloody victory at Kiryaun, just
15:36
12 miles away from Alexandria, and chased
the defeated Roman forces to the city’s
15:42
The march to the sea had taken just 22 days.
15:49
Alexandria had been built by Alexander the
Great and his Ptolemaic successors on a relatively
15:54
narrow strip of land, bounded to the north
by the Mediterranean Sea and in the south
15:59
Since the main transportation routes ended
east of the city, the only truly vulnerable
16:06
approach was the northeastern one.
16:11
The Muslims made camp outside weapon range
and then deployed for battle, slowly advancing
16:16
towards the recently reinforced Alexandrian
walls.
16:21
Unfortunately for Amr, such a careless preliminary
move allowed the expert Roman artillerists
16:26
to disrupt and scatter his units with volley
after volley of massive catapult stones.
16:32
This bombardment sent Amr and his warriors
back to camp, dodging missiles all the way.
16:38
Such attacks continued with intermissions,
and in these intermissions the Roman defenders
16:44
would instead launch sorties out of the city
and attack the Muslim army, aiming to throw
16:49
it back and end the siege.
16:54
Despite the ferocity and competence of the
men carrying them out, these attempts failed
16:57
consistently and ended up being pushed back
into the city.
17:02
At some point during the first months of indecisive
action, the defenders sortied out against
17:09
a section of the front manned by the Arabian
Mahra tribe and a fierce clash began.
17:15
It seems to have concluded as an indecisive
draw, but the Mahra lost a man whose head
17:21
was subsequently cut off and taken away by
the Romans, much to the Arabs’ fury.
17:27
The next morning, the same thing happened.
17:33
A Roman officer, probably made confident by
the previous day’s action, launched an attack
17:35
on the Mahra, but this time the outcome was
very different.
17:41
After being killed in the fighting, his head
was taken by the Arab warriors and used as
17:46
a bargaining chip to get their comrade’s
head back.
17:51
After a brief negotiation, both sides made
an exchange and buried their kinsman with
17:55
At the height of summer, around two months
after Amr initially constructed his camp,
18:04
the Sahmi tribal commander decided to shift
it forward for reasons which we are not aware
18:10
However, as his forces were moving, the Roman
defenders sensed an opportunity and mounted
18:16
a daring cavalry attack, which nevertheless
was easily repulsed.
18:21
A reckless Muslim cavalry detachment set out
in hot pursuit of the fleeing Romans and actually
18:27
got inside the city just before the defenders
could close the gates behind them.
18:32
Heavily outnumbered, they fought a fierce
skirmish at the so-called Church of Gold.
18:38
in which some of them were killed and the
rest were pushed out of Alexandria.
18:43
Heraclius, who maintained constant contact
with Alexandria, was all too aware that the
18:48
Muslims were gaining momentum.
18:56
Worried that all of Egypt was about to be
lost, he gathered a formidable army from across
18:59
what remained of the empire, together with
equipment and supplies.
19:04
Just before this giant, emperor-led relief
armada was about to set sail, Heraclius died
19:09
in Constantinople at the age of 66, leaving
his eldest sons, Constantine III and Heraklonas,
19:15
This initiated a round of imperial politicking
which didn’t allow the empire to react at
19:25
the worst possible moment.
19:30
As senior emperor, Constantine attempted to
get ahold of the increasingly dire situation
19:33
His untimely death only a short time later
derailed those plans entirely.
19:40
If that wasn’t bad enough, some Byzantine
generals, including one Valentinus, took up
19:45
arms in support of Constantine’s son Constans
II, believing that Heraklonas’ mother - Martina,
19:51
had poisoned Constantine.
19:58
This dynastic struggle would not conclude
until late 641, ensuring that no reinforcements
20:00
would be sent to Alexandria.
20:08
Politicking also infected the soldiers defending
the Egyptian capital, causing infighting and
20:14
massive morale loss.
20:19
When the siege had dragged into its sixth
month with no sign of ending, Amr received
20:21
a letter from the caliph chastising him for
taking so long.
20:27
So, after conferring with his generals, Amr
selected the experienced Ubada bin As-Samit
20:31
to lead an assault.
20:37
In late October 641, the entire Muslim army
assembled for midday prayer and then deployed
20:39
Then, led by Ubada, Amr’s forces finally
captured Alexandria by storming a gate near
20:46
the Church of Gold.
20:53
Of Muslim achievements to this point - 20
years since Hijra - the seizure of Alexandria
20:55
ranked alongside events such as Yarmouk and
Al-Qadissiyah in its importance.
21:01
The caliphate acquired an invaluable naval
base while diminishing Roman seapower and
21:06
conquered a land of immense riches and culture.
21:12
Perhaps most importantly for the future, possession
of Egypt allowed the Islamic armies to penetrate
21:15
even further south and west into Africa.
21:21
The wealth, beauty, and luxury of Alexandria
ensnared the Arabs and their general in equal
21:27
measure, but Amr could not make his headquarters
there without the caliph’s permission.
21:33
So, he sent an emissary back to Medina asking
Umar whether or not he could stay in the metropolis.
21:38
Unfortunately for the conqueror of Egypt,
one of the Rashidun ruler’s many quirks
21:45
was the absolute contempt and distrust in
which he held large expanses of water, such
21:50
The single occasion on which Umar allowed
one of his commanders - a governor of Damascus
21:58
known as Muawiyah, to embark on a naval operation,
the entire force had been destroyed.
22:03
So, Umar refused Amr’s request, explaining:
“I do not wish the Muslims to take up their
22:09
abode where water intervenes between them
and me, in winter or summer.”
22:15
Disappointed, Amr moved south and laid the
foundations for his new city, the first capital
22:20
of Islamic Egypt - Misr al-Fustat - the City
of the Tents, or Fustat for short.
22:28
The country’s new governor was occupied
for the next few months attending to the administration
22:36
of the Caliphate’s newest territory.
22:41
As 641 gave way to 642, Amr settled grievances
among his warriors and the locals, revitalized
22:44
previously abandoned pieces of infrastructure,
including canals, and even dispatched food
22:53
aid to famine-ridden Medina at Umar’s request
. To extinguish any remaining embers of resistance
22:58
against Muslim rule, Amr sent out three columns
to the areas around Damietta, Heliopolis,
23:05
and Fayyum, while a fourth ensured that the
remainder of lower Egypt was obedient.
23:10
All of them had an easy time, accomplishing
their task without bloodshed by mid-642.
23:17
With Egypt firmly in his grip, the adventurous
Amr Ibn al-As turned his focus towards a Christianised
23:26
Nubian kingdom called Makuria to the south.
23:33
Makuria, ruled by a king called Qalidurut
from his great citadel at Dongola, was a rising
23:36
and expansionist power in Subsaharan Africa.
23:43
In fact, its monarch had only recently annexed
a former regional rival Nobatia.
23:47
A literate society with a vibrant culture
of their own, the Nubians were renowned as
23:52
hardy, ferocious warriors.
23:58
In particular, their formidable reputation
for horsemanship and archery was known around
24:01
the Mediterranean world.
24:06
At some point during the scorching African
summer of 642, Amr sent his cousin Uqba bin
24:11
Nafe and 20,000 horsemen into Nubia, where
they quickly began suffering at the hands
24:18
of the local inhabitants.
24:23
Unable to resist the Muslims in a pitched
battle, lethal but unarmoured Makurian archers
24:26
- mounted and on foot, launched constant hit
and run attacks which gradually sapped Uqba’s
24:31
strength before darting back unharmed into
the wilderness.
24:38
As the Islamic army pushed deeper into Nubia
and encountered guerilla-style attacks in
24:44
increasing numbers and ferocity, the hawk-eyed
Makurian archers would frequently call out
24:49
to the Arab invaders: “Where would you like
me to put an arrow in you?”
24:55
When one of the Muslim warriors skeptically
pointed at an area of their body, our sources
25:00
state that an arrow would indeed strike there,
injuring or killing the man in question.
25:04
When Uqba and his diminished forces finally
neared the Makurian capital at Dongola, they
25:11
found a smaller enemy army of around 10,000
waiting for them, forced into defending their
25:17
central city by Uqba’s movements.
25:22
Eager to destroy the Nubians’ fighting potential
now that he had them all in one place, Amr’s
25:25
cousin began arraying his troops for battle.
25:31
As the Muslim advance towards Qalidurut’s
line began, it was almost instantaneously
25:36
hit by an utterly merciless barrage of Makurian
arrows that struck the attacking army with
25:42
Uqba’s assault was stalled in its tracks
by the hail of missiles just as soon as it
25:49
began and his soldiers, 250 of whom had lost
at least one eye in the battle, suffered terribly.
25:54
Unable to close with the Nubian archers and
swiftly losing men to grievous injury, Uqba
26:03
withdrew his warriors from the field.
26:08
Forever after, Muslims would call the Nubians
‘the archers of the eye’ because of their
26:11
penchant for loosing arrows with deadly accuracy
into the eyes of their enemies.
26:16
Unwilling to continue such a difficult campaign
in a land which promised them little gain
26:22
from plunder or future land, the Muslims continued
retreating all the way back to Fustat.
26:27
Although not exactly a decisive defeat, an
army of the Caliphate had been defeated for
26:36
one of the first times in history.
26:41
After a month or two of recuperation, Amr
assembled his armies from their bivouacs and
26:44
personally led them west into the desert during
September of 642.
26:50
After a month of hard marching, the Muslims
eventually arrived at a still-Roman city known
26:55
as Barca which, having no arrangements for
defence, quickly surrendered.
27:00
This was the first act of the decades’ long
Islamic conquest of a region which is now
27:06
called the Maghreb.
27:11
Amr had Uqba ride inland from the coast, where
he successfully pacified the area of arid
27:13
desert between Barca and Zawila without violence.
27:22
The poor population quickly proved law-abiding
and reliable in their payment of taxes, so
27:26
Amr decreed that part of the revenues coming
in from the entire Fezzan region would be
27:31
spent to alleviate poverty there.
27:37
Then in spring 643, the Muslim army advanced
on and blockaded the Roman-garrisoned city
27:40
Amr set up his camp on an elevated section
of terrain east of the city and waited, realising
27:50
that such a coastal settlement could be navally
resupplied for an extended period of time.
27:55
Lacking siege weapons, he also lacked the
ability to reduce fortifications.
28:02
After two months of relative inactivity, eight
of Amr’s warriors galloped off west of the
28:08
city for a hunting trip.
28:13
When these hunters began making their way
back around noon, the sheer heat of the day
28:15
led them to ride back along the coast.
28:21
All of a sudden, they came upon Tripoli’s
western boundary, where the city wall met
28:24
the sea, and discovered that the section was
only thinly protected.
28:28
In a display of bravery or foolishness, these
eight intrepid opportunists used Tripoli’s
28:34
vulnerable flank to infiltrate their way inside
the city.
28:40
Before the defenders even realised what was
happening, the Muslim group reached the city
28:46
centre and began slaying enemies.
28:51
Such unexpected violence triggered a bout
of extreme panic within the city, both among
28:54
the civilians and Tripoli’s defending forces.
28:59
In fact, a large number of the armed soldiers
within the city believed that a large enemy
29:02
contingent had somehow gotten inside and,
because of this, took refuge aboard a number
29:08
of anchored ships in the harbour.
29:14
Amr caught wind of the pandemonium taking
place inside the city and so quickly set about
29:16
exploiting the weakness.
29:22
Arraying his warriors with haste, the Arab
commander ordered a full-scale assault to
29:24
scale Tripoli’s enfeebled walls.
29:29
In yet another action of which we have left
no detail, the Muslims managed to get inside
29:32
and joined their eight-strong vanguard.
29:38
Unwilling to fight any further, the Roman
defenders took whatever they could carry and
29:41
departed aboard their ships, leaving Tripoli
to Amr’s army.
29:46
While most of the army stayed in the city
for a while, the conqueror of Egypt sent a
29:52
swift detachment of cavalry about 40 miles
to the west, where the population of a town
29:57
known as Sabrata were still carefree.
30:03
They had heard rumours of fighting for neighboring
cities, but it would be a while before the
30:06
war reached them, if ever.
30:11
The next morning, Sabrata’s Roman guards
opened the gates of their city as its population
30:14
began leading animals out to graze for the
day.
30:19
Unfortunately for them, it was at this moment
that the Islamic cavalry unit struck completely
30:23
by surprise, getting through the gates, killing
the majority of defending troops, and sacking
30:29
With that done, they returned to Tripoli.
30:36
Having succeeded, Amr longed for more, and
eagerly penned another letter to Caliph Umar
30:41
containing both the good news of victory and
request to continue his conquest.
30:47
This was rejected, as the caliph was worried
about overextending his forces.
30:53
And this time, there was no loophole or clever
ploy that Amr could use to bypass Umar’s
30:59
decree and continue his relentless campaigning.
31:05
Therefore, after allowing his army to recuperate
in Tripoli for a time, Amr travelled back
31:09
to Fustat and remained there, quietly administering
his Egyptian domain and dealing with whispers
31:15
of future rebellion.
31:22
Although Umar had spared the rest of Byzantine
Africa for the time being, that wouldn’t
31:24
However, as the combat in North Africa was
winding down, the situation on the Persian
31:33
front was becoming heated again.
31:38
Sa’d army was eager to pursue Yazdegerd
across the mountains, however, Umar’s refusal
31:42
halted any further eastward expansion for
the time being.
31:51
At the Caliph’s command, Sa’d began combing
Iraq for a place where he could establish
31:54
a permanent military garrison.
31:59
Eventually, after receiving guidance from
the locals, Sa’d found a promising area
32:02
of land in Suristan ‘where the land is both
dry, well-watered, and is overgrown with thistles
32:07
and constructed a colony that would eventually
grow into the city of Kufa.
32:13
Far to the southeast, another Arab raiding
force of 800 led by Utba bin Ghazwan began
32:19
searching for a base of their own and came
across an arid area covered in rocks, and
32:27
it was there that Utba began work on a settlement
which eventually developed into modern Basra.
32:32
It seemed as though the frontier between the
caliphate and the Sassanid Empire would calcify
32:39
at the Zagros mountains, allowing Sa’d and
Umar a brief time to consider administrative
32:44
However, the post-Jalula status quo wouldn’t
last for long.
32:51
Unwilling to accept the permanent loss of
their Mesopotamian heartland due to haughty
32:56
imperial pride, the Sassanids continued backing
military action against the Caliphate led
33:01
by Hormuzan, head of one of Persia’s premier
families.
33:07
During the retreat from Qadissiyah, Hormuzan
had split off from the main column with his
33:13
personal levy of survivors and marched back
to his estates in Khuzestan.
33:19
This territory formed a vulnerable bulge,
being the only remaining imperial Sassanid
33:24
territory west of the Zagros Mountains.
33:29
With little chance of resisting a concerted
Muslim invasion of his lands, Hormuzan decided
33:33
to go on the attack.
33:38
From a forward base at the greatest city of
his province - Ahwaz - the Persian general
33:40
began launching quick raids into the area
of Maysan in 638.
33:45
As these attacks increased in frequency, Hormuzan
established two additional bases even further
33:50
Utba was unable to deal with the Persian attacks
with his mere 800 troops and appealed to Sa’d
33:58
In response, the commander-in-chief ordered
Nu'man bin Muqarrin with a few thousand warriors
34:05
to bolster Utba’s strength.
34:11
The combined Muslim force launched a lightning
campaign that defeated Hormuzan’s army in
34:14
its forward bases and pushed the frontier
east to the Karun River.
34:19
Suitably chastened by the reverses his soldiers
had suffered, the Persian general concluded
34:24
an unstable peace with his two Muslim counterparts,
claiming to submit to the Caliphs’s suzerainty.
34:30
The remainder of 638 passed without further
warfare on the Persian front except for a
34:39
single act elsewhere - the so-called Fiasco
of Fars.
34:44
One of Sa’d rivals and governor of the uneventful
province of Bahrain - Ula bin Al Hadrami - sought
34:49
to increase his own status and launched a
reckless amphibious assault across the Persian
34:55
Landing on the coast of Fars, the Arab force
headed towards Persepolis, managing to defeat
35:02
a small militia in a costly battle before
being surrounded and trapped by the Sassanids.
35:07
The naval warfare despising caliph found out
what Hadrami had done and was furious, but
35:13
nevertheless sent Utba to rescue the beleaguered
governor, after which he was dismissed from
35:19
Hormuzan used the respite granted by his truce
with the Muslims to levy more soldiers and,
35:29
in that time, also received imperial reinforcements
from Hulwan.
35:34
Now reinforced, he took advantage of the treaty’s
unclear boundary terms as an excuse to reinitiate
35:39
hostilities in early 639.
35:46
The new governor of Basra - Abu Musa - was
aware of his caliph’s command to avoid taking
35:49
any further Persian territory, so he wrote
to Umar explaining the situation and asking
35:55
Umar responded with an order to take Ahwaz
and stop Hormuzan’s attacks.
36:02
This prompted Musa to march his forces to
the river Karun and face off against the Persian
36:10
Lord across its breadth.
36:16
Feeling confident about his chances, Hormuzan
invited the Arab army across the river with
36:18
the aim of facing and crushing it in a pitched
battle.
36:23
Musa gladly accepted, crossing by a bridge
north of the city, defeating the Sassanid
36:26
provincial force in a grueling fight and forcing
Hormuzan into flight to Ram Hormuz.
36:32
A typically aggressive pursuit force of Arab
cavalry forced the overwhelmed Persian commander
36:38
to retreat even further east.
36:43
From a strong position behind yet another
river, Hormuzan parleyed for peace with the
36:46
Muslims, offering to recognise their conquest
of Ahwaz while retaining a remnant of his
36:51
Still, the Sassanid reinforcements were pouring
into northern Khuzestan in such large numbers
36:59
that the preparations for another military
campaign could no longer be kept secret.
37:05
At this point, Sa’d was replaced as governor
at Kufa by Ammar bin Yasir, who sent troops
37:11
to Musa to subdue the Persian threat without
delay.
37:17
From Ahwaz, Musa launched his thrust against
Hormuzan’s forces at Ram Hormuz, defeated
37:21
them in a brisk engagement and subsequently
captured most of eastern Khuzestan.
37:27
Hormuzan retreated north to the Sassanid concentration
point at Shushtar - a highly fortified, walled
37:33
city in the Zagros foothills.
37:38
Unsure about his ability to take on such a
stronghold with his current strength, Musa
37:41
had a thousand fresh warriors sent to him
from Kufa.
37:47
With these additional warriors, Musa advanced
north, captured Shushtar and Hormuzan along
37:50
with it, followed relatively quickly by the
truly ancient city of Susa.
37:56
Returning to Basra after this victory, Musa
sent a subordinate to capture the final garrison
38:02
in Khuzestan; this was Junde Shapur, who succeeded
by late 641.
38:07
With the seizure of this final city, all of
Khuzestan and Sassanid territory west of the
38:13
Zagros was now under Muslim rule.
38:18
Despite the loss of Iraq, Sassanid Persia
east of the rocky barrier was still a cohesive
38:24
and powerful empire with loyal territories
as far off as India.
38:29
After the fall of Khuzestan to Musa’s army,
Yazdegerd1 dispatched urgent orders to all
38:35
of his remaining provinces to raise troops
and send them to Nahavand, a city on a primary
38:40
transportation artery west.
38:46
Throughout the later part of 641, contingents
from cities across Iran and beyond, such as
38:49
Isfahan, Rayy, Hamadan, and many others arrived
at Nahavand, until, at the turn of 642, an
38:55
army of around 60,000 had come together.
39:02
At the same time, this fearsome force was
Yazdegerd’s final chance to turn the war
39:06
If he lost now, he would lose everything.
39:12
A Sassanid general named Mardanshah was appointed
to lead the army, who quickly warned the men
39:16
that Umar “Is coming for you if you do not
go for him.
39:22
He has already destroyed the seat of your
empire and plunged into the land of your emperor.”
39:26
A Persian frontier commander in service to
the Caliphate noticed this massive military
39:30
buildup and, alarmed, sent word to Ammar bin
Yasir in Kufa, who immediately forwarded the
39:37
information to Umar.
39:43
Addressing the people of Medina on the issue,
the caliph’s pronouncement that “This
39:44
is the day on which the future depends”
left no doubt as to the importance of the
39:49
The ever-active caliph declared his intention
to oversee the battle but was talked out of
39:58
it by his advisors, who pointed out that this
was unnecessary.
40:04
A more contentious issue was the assignment
of military resources.
40:08
Uthman wanted the whole army of the caliphate
concentrated, but Muhammad’s son-in-law
40:12
- Ali Ibn Abi Talib - disagreed, reminding
Uthman that depriving the other frontiers
40:18
would just invite the Byzantines, Ethiopians,
and others to retake their old provinces.
40:24
Instead, he suggested the troops at Kufa,
Basra, and along the Persian border form the
40:30
core of a field army, supplemented by a fresh
levy of raw recruits and veterans from Arabia.
40:35
Umar concurred with Ali and gave command of
the preemptive strike to the veteran of Qadissiyah
40:41
and conqueror of Susa - Nu'man bin Muqarrin.
40:47
Upon enthusiastically receiving the caliph’s
decree, Nu'man assembled his troops, marched
40:51
east from Kufa, and crossed the Tigris, rendezvousing
with a number of other frontier units along
40:57
Trekking northeast from Ctesiphon along the
Diyala River, the Muslims pivoted at Qasr
41:04
Shereen and dove into the Zagros Mountains,
eventually reaching a concentration point
41:09
at Tazar in December 641.
41:14
With 30,000 Muslim warriors assembled, Nu'man
sent a scouting detachment into the Nahavand
41:17
Valley to establish where exactly the Persians
were.
41:25
By nightfall it returned having observed little
to no sign of Sassanid activity in the rocky,
41:29
uneven terrain between Tazar and the Persian
base.
41:35
Nu'man immediately seized the opportunity
and decamped, marching his entire army to
41:38
a small town known as Isbeezahan, just ten
miles northwest of Nahavand itself, and its
41:43
When, not long after, Mardanshah learned that
the invader was closing in, he responded by
41:51
bringing the entirety of his own army out
of the city.
41:58
In preparation for the final battle, he deployed
Sassanid Persia’s great retribution field
42:02
force in an L-shaped hook formation, ‘wrapped’
around a high terrain feature known as the
42:07
While his soldiers advantageously faced down
the slope, Mardanshah himself took up a position
42:15
atop the heights, where the imperial commander
had a brilliant view of the entire area.
42:21
This adroitly selected defensive position
had multiple terrain features amplifying its
42:26
strength: in front of the Sassanid front line
was a small stream, along the bank of which
42:32
Mardanshah placed a minefield of cavalry-crippling
caltrops.
42:37
Furthermore, his right2 - the short edge of
the reverse L formation - was anchored on
42:42
a fortified village and the 3,000-foot-high
Ardashan ridge, while the longer, southeast-facing
42:47
left flank3 was protected by a fork in the
stream.
42:54
Confronted by this natural fortress and with
few other options, Nu'man drew up his warriors
42:59
along Mardanshah’s entire front, just across
the stream and facing up the slope.
43:07
The Muslim general’s brother Nueim led the
L’s short section, Hudayfah bin Al-Yaman
43:13
commanded the right, and Qaqa bin Amr headed
the Caliphate’s cavalry reserve.
43:19
Nu'man himself was in the centre.
43:23
The Caliphate’s deployment gave Mardanshah
a potential opportunity to launch a preemptive
43:26
assault at the unprepared Muslim lines.
43:31
However, either due to overconfidence in his
prepared fortifications or cautious of leaving
43:34
them due to the previous defeat at Jalula,
the empire’s field commander remained where
43:40
he was, allowing Nu'man to finish bringing
his forces up.
43:45
This inaction likely did not seem like a blunder
- the Muslims were far away from their bases
43:49
in Iraq and could either smash their heads
against the dangerous Persian fortifications
43:55
or wait, chew through their supplies and retreat
in deadly conditions.
44:01
An hour after the Islamic noon prayer, as
the sun reached its highest point in the sky,
44:07
the entire Muslim army began its attack straight
at Mardanshah’s defensive belt.
44:14
Upon reaching the Wadi stream, the attackers’
infantry and cavalry alike were met with a
44:20
deadly rain of Persian arrows, loosed by archers
who had the luxury of shooting downhill.
44:25
Worse still, Qaqa’s horsemen galloped headlong
into the caltrops, leading to the maiming
44:30
and immobilisation of many horses.
44:36
Nevertheless, Nu’man’s men pushed on across
the entire front, weakened all the way by
44:39
Then, charging uphill, the Muslims crashed
into the Sassanid ranks and the two sides
44:46
met in ferocious melee combat.
44:51
A grinding clash of attrition began with little
room for flair or tactical brilliance, only
44:54
numerical weight, personal prowess, strength,
and discipline.
45:00
On some sections of the line, perhaps those
under Nueim’s command where the slope was
45:07
more gradual, the Muslims managed to temporarily
push Mardanshah’s soldiers back, but each
45:12
time were counterattacked and shoved to their
original positions by the Persians.
45:18
In other areas - near Zarrameen where the
slope was steepest - the Persians even managed
45:23
to haul the Caliphate’s forces back across
the Wadi, but they in turn counterattacked
45:28
and fought back to where they were.
45:34
The battle’s outcome rested on a knife-edge,
with dead and dying of both sides littering
45:36
the field - either laying still or shouting
in terrible agony.
45:41
This mass slaying continued until nightfall
when the Muslims, with no prospect of breaking
45:46
the Persian line that night, pulled away and
withdrew to their camp.
45:52
The night hours passed without contact, with
both sides recovering their fallen comrades
45:57
and tending to the wounded.
46:02
When dawn broke on the second day, however,
Nu'man formed his army up and, somewhat inexplicably,
46:05
launched another frontal assault across the
stream lasting all day.
46:11
After what historian Akram poetically described
as a ‘tragic harvest of death’, the Muslims
46:16
again retreated, unsuccessful and badly bloodied.
46:22
Both armies formed up again at dawn on the
third day, but a mixture of the horror, tactical
46:26
sanity, and possible mutiny kept the Muslim
general from attempting his human wave assault
46:34
Instead, he waited for the Persians to emerge
from their fortifications and launch an attack
46:42
of their own, but Mardanshah was a wily commander
aware that time was his champion, and refused
46:47
After a tense two-day standoff, the Sassanid
regimental commanders began raiding the Muslim
46:56
line with small contingents.
47:01
These limited attacks would inflict damage
on personnel and supplies before swiftly pulling
47:04
back behind their defences, leaving the Islamic
forces frustrated.
47:09
While constant assailment and the cold conditions
struck blow after blow to Muslim morale and
47:14
strength, Mardanshah began absorbing a steady
stream of reinforcements and provisions from
47:21
The situation could not continue as it stood,
and so Nu'man called a council of war only
47:29
a few days after his previous attack.
47:35
The eldest companion present4 advised that
the Muslims ought not to attack at all, and
47:38
to merely destroy those raiding parties which
came to attack them.
47:43
As all the officers were eager to get stuck
in properly, this proposal was met with disapproval.
47:48
Another more gung-ho leader suggested that
the frontal attacks actually be resumed regardless
47:55
This too was quickly shot down.
48:01
Then spoke Tuleiha bin Khuleiwad - a former
enemy of Islam and one of the architects of
48:05
Jalula - who put forward a clever stratagem.
48:10
The Muslims, he said, should “Put the cavalry
in a position to outflank them, and show a
48:13
weak front, making as if to withdraw.
48:19
Let the Persians hope for victory and advance
against us.
48:21
Then we turn and fight them.”
48:25
This plan was approved by most of those present,
and put into motion.
48:27
With the purpose of making the illusion of
weakness more convincing, at Tuleiha’s proposal
48:32
the Muslims also began circulating false rumours
that Caliph Umar was dead.
48:37
Over the next few days, word of Umar’s ‘death’
proliferated around the overjoyed Persian
48:45
army like a kind of virulent mental plague,
provoking hopes of an offensive against their
48:51
now surely demoralised enemy.
48:56
The Friday after Nu’man’s last attack,
Sassanid sentries began observing the abandonment
48:59
of Muslim positions across the stream: tents
being pulled down in the Muslim camp, baggage
49:04
being loaded, and small contingents of men
marching west.
49:10
Everything Mardanshah could see appeared to
suggest that the invading army was vulnerable
49:15
and about to retreat.
49:20
So, the general opened a series of gaps in
the caltrop belt on his right flank according
49:22
to a pre-prepared plan and began having his
soldiers cross to the outside5.
49:27
Lead elements halted just beyond the caltrop
field, waiting for the rear ranks, and began
49:32
According to our sources, Mardanshah might
have restored the caltrop field so his troops
49:39
The ‘retreating’ Muslim infantry span
around upon seeing that they were about to
49:48
be struck from behind and hastily deployed
for battle, somewhat further back than before.
49:53
Of course, this was all a part of Tuleiha’s
plan - the Persian general had swallowed the
49:59
bait hook, line, and sinker.
50:04
Unbeknownst to the Sassanid army, Qaqa and
his cavalrymen were concealed in a gap behind
50:06
the Ardashan ridge, ready to attack.
50:12
Two hours before noon, Mardanshah ordered
his army to advance slowly towards the stationary
50:15
When the Persians entered missile range, they
began loosing arrow volleys with the aim of
50:23
softening the Muslims up at a greater range
than Arab bows could operate at.
50:28
Forced to defend themselves with only their
shields, many of the Caliphate’s warriors
50:34
were chomping at the bit to close with the
Sassanids and fight them in melee, but Nu’man,
50:38
with a wider view of the strategic situation,
ordered them to remain steady.
50:43
After a while weakening the Muslims with missile
fire, Mardanshah launched a full-on charge.
50:51
This was the key moment of the battle, as
this attack finally un-anchored the imperial
50:56
right flank from the Ardashan ridge and its
nearby fortified village.
51:02
Remaining on the defensive, Nu’man restrained
his forces from effectively pushing back,
51:08
withdrawing slowly in a similar manner to
Hannibal’s centre at Cannae.
51:13
Then, after some time of suffering this, Nu’man
ordered a counterattack just after midday
51:17
and, at the same time, Qaqa’s cavalry swept
out from behind the ridge and drove a wedge
51:23
between the Persians and their obstacles.
51:29
However, Mardanshah detached a unit of reserves
that met and held the Muslim cavalry before
51:32
the encirclement was completed.
51:40
On the front line, Persian forces were gradually
pushed back under the weight of Nu’man’s
51:42
But then, the Muslim general was struck by
an arrow, fell from his horse, and was spirited
51:49
away from the fight, with Nueim impersonating
him to maintain morale.
51:54
Although Sassanid resistance was absolutely
unwavering, by late afternoon the Muslim forces,
51:59
half encircling their foe, were clearly in
the superior position.
52:05
Suddenly, as the sky began to darken, the
majority of Mardanshah’s army collapsed
52:09
and routed, able to do so because the forces
opposing Qaqa were still resisting.
52:15
Amidst this chaos, Tuleiha was also slain.
52:20
A relatively large number of Persian troops
managed to escape the battlefield, but many,
52:25
including Mardanshah, were killed by their
Muslim pursuers, fell victim to the re-strengthened
52:31
caltrop belt, or were taken prisoner.
52:36
Hudayfah took command of the Caliphate’s
army after Nu’man’s death and advanced
52:40
the following morning, defeating the Sassanid
remnant at Darazeed.
52:46
Part of the defeated army retreated into Nahavand
itself after the second defeat, where the
52:51
new imperial commander, Dinar, surrendered
the city unconditionally.
52:56
Nahavand was the final great battle between
Islam and Persia, making the point at which
53:01
there was no longer any doubt - the Sassanid
Empire would fall.
53:07
For this, Nahavand is known to Muslims as
the ‘victory of victories’.
53:11
It would take another decade to subdue all
of the far-flung Persian territories in Central
53:17
Asia and Eastern Iran, but by late 644 as
author Peter Crawford states, Yazdegerd III
53:22
was effectively “a king without a kingdom.”
53:30
On the Egyptian front, after Amr returned
from his expedition against the so-called
53:32
Pentapolis in late 643, he travelled back
to Medina in order to meet with Umar, with
53:41
whom he already had a somewhat tense relationship.
53:47
Mistrusted by the caliph, Amr received a frosty
reception from the very start.
53:51
The tension between the two men wasn’t helped
by the fact that Umar, who always kept a close
53:57
eye on his governors via an internal spy network,
suspected Amr of unjustly appropriating Egypt’s
54:03
So, when the latter returned to his province,
the caliph dispatched a trusted inspector
54:11
- Muhammad bin Maslama - to appraise Amr’s
assets.
54:16
The latter produced an account of his assets
and he was found guilty of taking too much.
54:20
The excess was confiscated and taken back
to Medina.
54:27
That wasn’t the end of the caliph’s incessant
prodding.
54:34
A short while thereafter, unsatisfied at the
lacklustre revenues flowing into the treasury
54:37
from Egypt, Umar had a heated debate with
Amr by letter.
54:43
After that ended in a deadlock, a Copt was
sent to Medina to inform the caliph of his
54:47
province’s financial situation.
54:53
He bluntly informed Umar that previous rulers
of Egypt had seen to the land’s prosperity
54:55
before taking anything from it, while Muslim
governors only extracted.
55:01
In response, Umar carved Egypt into two separate
administrative districts during late 644,
55:06
giving Amr Lower Egypt to govern from Fustat,
while Upper Egypt would be ruled from Fayyum
55:13
by Abdullah ibn Sa’d ibn Abi Sarh, the foster
brother of Uthman.
55:19
Predictably, Amr was, once again, infuriated
at this deliberate diminishing of his authority.
55:24
Back in Medina a deadly plot had formed, centring
around Hormuzan, who had converted to Islam
55:34
and used his vast experience in Sassanid administration
and governance to become one of Umar’s key
55:41
Despite this, the Persian noble never forgot
the injury done to his home.
55:49
It seems that Hormuzan made contact with Firuz,
a Sassanid soldier who was enslaved after
55:54
Qadisiyyah or Nahavand and brought to the
Caliphate’s capital, and in November of
56:00
644 Firuz knifed Umar.
56:05
Before passing away three days after, the
second caliph appointed a shūrā - or “counsel”
56:09
of six men1 - to appoint his successor from
among their ranks.
56:15
After deep debate, they decided that Uthman
would become the third Rashidun caliph.
56:20
It is worth noting that while Sunni Islam
views Uthman as one of the rightly guided
56:26
caliphs, Shia Muslims believe this election
should not have occurred at all and Ali was
56:31
to be the next in line.
56:36
Shortly after, Amr Ibn al-As visited Uthman
in order to lobby for his Upper Egyptian colleague’s
56:39
The new caliph refused outright, prompting
him to declare that he wouldn’t return to
56:48
Egypt until Abdullah ibn Sa’d was removed.
56:53
In response to this threat, Uthman appointed
his foster brother governor of all Egypt2,
56:57
further deepening the dispute between the
two men.
57:03
The Romans in Egypt were not happy with Amr’s
policies, but Abdullah’s attempts to increase
57:09
the incomes from the province were even less
popular.
57:14
Alexandria in particular bore the brunt of
this new lust for revenue, leading its notoriously
57:18
riotous population to undertake drastic measures.
57:24
A group of prominent Romans dispatched messages
to the new emperor Constans II.
57:27
These letters outlined the outrages of Muslim
rule and its jizya tax, but also pointed out
57:34
that Abdullah had let the Nile realm’s defence
slip into a pitiful state and the city was
57:41
only garrisoned by a paltry thousand men,
and could be easily taken.
57:47
Perceiving an opportunity to regain control
of Egypt and remedy the wound which its loss
57:52
had dealt to his empire and his pride, Constans
began secretly amassing a great strikeforce
57:58
of 300 ships and many thousands of soldiers,
command of which he bestowed on a eunuch known
58:04
Constans’ fleet was ready after almost a
year.
58:12
Because the reduced Byzantine Empire was still
the dominant naval power in the Mediterranean
58:19
- the Caliphate having not yet developed any
seaborne capacity - there was nothing to stop
58:24
this fleet from unexpectedly sailing straight
into the harbour at Alexandria in early 646.
58:29
As the Roman sympathisers predicted, the thousand
strong Muslim garrison was no adequate defence
58:36
against this shock assault from the sea.
58:42
When Roman forces landed almost unopposed,
Alexandria’s population simultaneously rose
58:45
up against the occupying Arabs.
58:51
Most of the city’s garrison was slain in
the brief clash that followed.
58:53
However, while the invasion army began ravaging
the vicinity around Alexandria, some of the
58:57
Muslims that escaped travelled to Fustat and
informed the governor what was happening.
59:03
Abdullah ibn Sa’d didn’t even have a chance
to react.
59:08
Lacking confidence in their new viceroy’s
martial ability, the Muslims of Egypt sent
59:14
a delegation to Caliph Uthman, urging him
to send Amr back so that he could put an end
59:19
Understanding that Amr was both a man of formidable
military talent and feared by the Romans,
59:27
Uthman bit his tongue and asked Amr to take
his post back.
59:33
Wasting no time, the man who had conquered
the Romans once before travelled to Fustat
59:40
as quickly as possible with the aim of emulating
his previous achievement.
59:45
Upon his arrival, the morale of Islam’s
warriors was boosted significantly and they
59:51
prepared for war eagerly, while Amr started
planning.
59:56
Informed by spies and agents that the Romans
were advancing leisurely from Alexandria to
00:01
Fustat, many of Amr’s brash officers pressed
for their commander to attack and confine
00:05
the enemy to the treacherous Mediterranean
metropolis before all Egypt revolted against
00:11
Amr did not agree with this appraisal, as
he believed that this advance would stretch
00:18
Roman supply and communication lines to the
limit.
00:23
Manuel and his army marched under the close
observation of Amr’s informants, who constantly
00:26
reported the Romans’ position and strength.
00:32
The land forces made their way up the eastern
bank of the Nile accompanied by a large flotilla
00:35
of supporting warships sailing parallel to
them on the river itself.
00:40
Byzantine indiscipline began causing problems
almost immediately.
00:46
Roman soldiers moved from town to town and
the population was not happy with their behaviour.
00:50
When Manuel neared the halfway point between
Alexandria and Fustat, Amr began a countermarch
00:57
with 15,000 warriors of his own, moving on
a direct collision course with the Romans.
01:04
Both armies finally came into contact with
one another near a large town known as Nikiou,
01:10
After resting for the night in their respective
camps, the Romans and Muslims deployed on
01:18
the cultivated, featureless, and flat terrain
just south of Nikiou.
01:22
Amr’s left - a cavalry regiment under the
command of Shareek bin Sumayy, rested on the
01:27
Nile River, as did the Roman right.
01:33
In addition to their organisation in neat
formations, a large number of Roman archers
01:36
also embarked on the riverine ships.
01:41
Once his preparations for battle were complete,
Manuel ordered the Byzantine ground forces
01:44
into effective bow range before coming to
a halt and unleashing a destructive barrage
01:49
of arrows against the Muslim position.
01:55
On the river, Manuel had prepared a clever
stratagem.
02:00
His ships continued sailing until they passed
by Amr’s flank, at which point their on-board
02:04
archers struck the Muslims in the flank as
well.
02:09
Amr’s men had already been struggling to
deal with the frontal volley, and so suffered
02:13
terribly from the multidirectional bombardment.
02:18
Sumayy’s regiment in particular was almost
totally decimated, having been positioned
02:21
closest to the river, but even Amr had a horse
shot out from under him.
02:26
Despite this punishment, however, the Muslims
were unwilling to surrender the battlefield,
02:32
and so endured the storm with considerable
tenacity.
02:37
Once Manuel believed that his enemy was sufficiently
weakened, he called back the flanking vessels
02:43
and had their on-board troops fall into ranks
behind the main army, and then began yet another
02:49
arrow attack against the Muslim line.
02:55
The moment after the Byzantine eunuch general
ordered a halt to his preliminary barrage,
02:58
he directed his infantry to advance into spear
and sword range.
03:03
Although early Muslim armies were generally
portrayed as being most comfortable in this
03:07
kind of close quarters engagement, the Roman
soldiers nevertheless impacted Amr’s battered
03:12
host with considerable ferocity, cracking
their already faltering line.
03:17
Sumayy’s regiment, which had endured the
brunt of Manuel’s seaborne missile attack,
03:22
actually did break and run.
03:28
Amr hastily pulled the remainder of his men
away from the Romans’ attack and halted
03:30
only a short distance away, in order to regroup
as best he could.
03:37
However Manuel, believing that the Muslims
were already beaten, did not advance and finish
03:42
his enemy off, instead simply waiting where
they were.
03:48
After a brief, eerie pause in the fighting,
a magnificently dressed Roman champion, clad
03:52
in gold-studded armour, rode out into the
open space between the two armies and challenged
03:58
the Muslims to single combat.
04:03
This would give the latter time to take a
breath, reform and reorganise.
04:05
So, one of Amr’s favoured mubarizun - an
Arab known as Haumal - accepted the Roman
04:11
offer and strode out to meet the enemy fighter.
04:17
With the remainder of both armies bearing
witness, their respective champions initially
04:21
clashed with spears, and neither combatant
was able to score a decisive blow.
04:26
Dropping their polearms after a certain amount
of time had gone by, the champions clashed
04:32
with sword and shield, but again neither warrior
could get an edge over the other.
04:37
This continued until the larger Roman duelist
managed to disarm and severely wound Haumal
04:43
with a series of fierce thrusts.
04:49
As the hulking Roman was about to finish Haumal
off, the Arab champion unsheathed his short
04:51
dagger and plunged it into his unsuspecting
counterpart’s throat with prodigious speed.
04:58
Although Haumal managed to win the duel by
the skin of his teeth, he died of his wounds
05:04
a few days later, much to Amr’s sorrow.
05:08
This traditional single combat had given the
Muslim general time to get his army back in
05:14
order, and by the time Haumal had won, Amr
was ready - Sumayy’s routed regiment even
05:20
returned to the battlefield and formed up.
05:26
When the whole Muslim army was ready, they
charged and engaged in a grinding melee with
05:29
Manuel’s forces, combat which they were
far better suited to.
05:34
After a few hours of Roman resistance, the
eunuch’s soldiers broke and ran, pursued
05:39
and hunted all the way to Alexandria.
05:44
Amr brought up a number of catapults and launched
boulders at the recalcitrant city, whose own
05:47
artillerists fired back.
05:56
The defences nevertheless held firm under
such bombardment, until one of the gatekeepers
05:58
- Ibn Bassana - offered to let Amr’s troops
inside if he, his family, and property were
06:03
retained, terms which the Muslim commander
found agreeable.
06:09
Therefore, at some point in the middle of
646, Alexandria’s gates were opened and
06:13
the Islamic army poured inside.
06:19
Any Roman unit opposing the incursion was
swiftly dealt with, and even those coming
06:22
up to reinforce the breach were pushed away.
06:27
As the rebellious city began falling victim
to a sacking, the surviving imperial soldiers
06:31
withdrew to their ships and sailed away.
06:36
Before the vengeful Arabs could truly wreak
havoc on the ancient Mediterranean metropolis
06:42
and its vanquished inhabitants, an unknown
Muslim approached Amr and beseeched him to
06:47
Although the conqueror of Egypt was by no
means a merciful man by nature, his kinsman’s
06:53
words had such an impact that Amr immediately
ordered the cessation of hostilities.
06:59
At the very spot where this was proclaimed,
a mosque was constructed known as the ‘Mosque
07:04
Still, large numbers of Romans including Manuel
died in the battle and the revolt was quelled.
07:08
In the aftermath of the Second Siege of Alexandria,
Amr ripped down the walls and made the city,
07:09
in his words “Like the house of an adultress,
accessible from all sides.”
07:15
The neglect of Egypt’s defence was also
remedied with the new division of its Muslim
07:20
garrison into four parts - two in Fustat,
and one each in Alexandria and on the northern
07:26
coast to be moved around where necessary.
07:32
It would also be rotated and the troops replaced
every six months.
07:34
Not only had Amr ibn Al-As both conquered
and reconquered Egypt in difficult circumstances,
07:43
he had built the foundations of a rule that
would secure Muslim hegemony over the fruitful
07:48
For this, Amr well expected to be rewarded
by Uthman, but he was to be disappointed.
07:55
Uthman wanted his tax fiend of a brother to
occupy the plum position, but was aware that
08:01
Amr probably deserved some reward for his
deeds.
08:08
So, summoning the conqueror to his place of
residence, Uthman enquired if he would like
08:12
to remain in military command of Egypt while
Abdullah ibn Sa’d managed civilian administration.
08:17
Amr responded with the witty barb: “In that
case I would be like the man holding the horns
08:24
of the cow while another milks it.”
08:30
For the remainder of Uthman’s caliphate,
Amr would bear a potent grudge and even oppose
08:33
This mutual resentment was to have serious
consequences for Islamic history in the near
08:40
By the end of 646AD, the entire near-east
had been transformed into a completely different
08:49
geopolitical entity than it was just two decades
before, and had been for many centuries prior.
08:56
On its eastern wing, a four-century-old dynasty
- the Sassanids - were now all but dust, its
09:04
last true Shah1 pursued across Iran by eastward
driving Muslim armies and its ancient territory
09:11
In the north, Rashidun forces reached the
Caucasus Mountain barrier, enclosing the once
09:19
insurmountable Byzantine Empire within its
Anatolian heartland in the process.
09:24
Now that all major battles against Rome and
Persia were at an end, Islam’s armies began
09:30
seeking another direction in which to conquer.
09:36
Once Constans II’s counterattack against
Egypt was decisively repelled, Caliph Uthman’s
09:42
foster brother Abdullah ibn Sa’d began launching
raids into the Roman-Berber lands west of
09:48
These small expeditions quickly proved a stunning
success, returning with vast quantities of
09:56
slaves, cattle, and other riches.
10:02
Judging that Roman Africa would yield an easy
and generous bounty if squeezed, the Egyptian
10:04
governor wrote to Uthman, asking for permission
to launch a major campaign to the west.
10:10
Uthman agreed with Abdullah’s assessment
and decreed the formation of a 10,000 strong
10:15
force in Arabia composed of warriors from
various tribes.
10:21
It was a relatively young army, and in its
ranks marched one son of Amr, two sons of
10:25
Umar and two sons of Umayyad chief Al-Hakam
- one of whom was the future Marwan I.
10:31
The freshly mustered Arab force was ready
for war in early 647 and marched for Egypt2,
10:41
joining Abdullah ibn Sa’d at Fustat a few
weeks later.
10:47
There, the 10,000 newly arrived Arabic fighters
were merged with a further 10,000 from the
10:51
governor’s Egyptian army, resulting in a
total strength of 20,000.
10:58
With this mostly camel and horse-mounted invasion
force at his back, Abdullah marched west.
11:03
This part of the Mediterranean seaboard bore
witness to some of the ancient world’s most
11:10
dramatic events during the course of several
centuries.
11:15
Emperor Heraclius’ father had previously
served as ruler of this sizeable ‘Exarchate
11:19
of Africa’ before his son’s ascension
to the Byzantine throne in 610, upon which
11:25
the elder governor died.
11:31
Close to the emperor’s death in 641, Heraclius
himself appointed as Exarch a patrician known
11:33
as Gregory, However, dynastic chaos following
the death of Heraclius, and Constans II’s
11:39
inability to repel Muslim attacks, particularly
in nearby Egypt, were all too much for Gregory.
11:46
In 647, as Uthman’s army was in the process
of readying to attack him, the Exarch declared
11:53
independence from Constantinople amid a surge
of popular support from Romanised Africans
12:00
and native Berbers alike.
12:06
Abdullah ibn Sa’d meanwhile, crossed the
Nile from Fustat and took his army up the
12:08
west bank until he neared Alexandria, at which
point he drove northwest and cut across the
12:15
desert as a shortcut.
12:21
After a few more days, the viceroy’s 20,000
hit the Mediterranean coastal road and marched
12:23
along its course until, finally, after a six-week
journey, Abdullah reached Barca - the city
12:29
which his predecessor Amr seized years before.
12:36
The Muslims then marched a further seven hundred
miles along the Mediterranean coast around
12:39
the Bay of Sirte, enduring the scorching privations
of a North African summer.
12:45
The Arabs were used to such arid conditions
and thrived in them, an advantage which helped
12:51
them conquer the Near-East.
12:56
When the Rashidun army finally reached Tripoli,
closer to the heart of Gregory’s realm,
12:58
its warriors found the heavily fortified city
barred against them, contrary to the friendly
13:04
reception they’d received in Cyrenaica.
13:09
As Amr did half a decade earlier, Abdullah
blockaded Tripoli on its landward flank and
13:14
placed it under siege.
13:20
In order to slow or prevent any resupply or
reinforcement by ship, Abdullah stationed
13:22
artillery at both points where the city wall
met the water, They were ordered to strike
13:27
any enemy vessel which attempted to enter
the harbour and effectively rendered the seaport
13:33
Gregory, who was readying the main Exarchate
army at his inland capital of Sufetula, had
13:39
a naval reinforcement armada dispatched from
Carthage to Tripoli.
13:45
However, rather than disembarking at the port
on arrival as they would have liked, the transport
13:50
ships were forced to disgorge their human
cargo on segments of the beach which were
13:56
outside of Abdullah’s artillery range and
outside the wall’s protection.
14:01
Although this prevented Rashidun catapults
and ballistae from carving bloody holes into
14:06
their ranks, it made the tired and disorganised
soldiers easy prey for Muslim infantry, which
14:11
charged at them from two different angles.
14:18
Exhausted from the long sea voyage and without
any time to deploy adequately, Gregory’s
14:21
reinforcements were scythed down to a man
on the beaches of Libya.
14:27
Remaining vigilant against any further attempts
to prop Tripoli up, Rashidun forces nevertheless
14:33
were unable to breach the well-provisioned,
nigh impregnable fortress.
14:39
As his army languished outside the walls,
Abdullah ordered riders to scout in the direction
14:45
of Sufetula to observe any military activity
going on there.
14:50
A few weeks later two things were clear to
the Muslim governor.
14:57
First: Tripoli was still a long way aways
from opening its gates to him and remaining
15:02
static outside its walls seemed pointless.
15:07
Second: reports from his scouts made it apparent
to Abdullah that the newly independent Roman
15:11
Exarch was readying for a fight.
15:17
Possibly convinced Tripoli was just a delaying
action which only served to grind down his
15:20
own army’s strength and will to push on,
the Muslim governor lifted his siege and spirited
15:26
The Rashidun army and its thrifty commander
plundered their way through the wealthiest
15:33
region of Roman Africa, unmoored from any
supply train and therefore unconcerned about
15:38
the Tripoli garrison behind them.
15:44
At Sufetula, Gregory was made aware of the
Muslims’ location the moment they passed
15:47
through Gabes and reacted to the news immediately,
with the intent of engaging his enemy well
15:53
away from his interim inland capital.
15:59
To do this, the Exarch ponderously shifted
his heavily-equipped, primarily infantry-based
16:02
army, which probably matched that of the Muslims
in size, to a blocking position at Faiz - 30
16:08
kilometres from Sufetula - and set up a camp
there.
16:14
Part of the Exarchate’s army was placed
slightly forward of the camp as a covering
16:18
However, only a short time after Gregory’s
force went into camp, the Rashidun light cavalry
16:23
advance guard fell on its Roman counterpart,
sending it reeling back to the main camp in
16:29
Unnerved by such strength of the Muslim mounted
units, Gregory ordered his army to withdraw
16:36
all the way to Sufetula, believing his position
at Faiz was too vulnerable.
16:42
About four miles east of his capital the Exarch
turned and readied for battle.
16:47
Such close proximity to its base granted the
Roman army logistical supremacy, prevented
16:53
wide flanking maneuvers from the mobile opposing
army, and permitted them a safe retreat inside
16:59
The Muslims arrived soon after and made their
own camp a short way from Gregory’s front
17:07
One rejected emissary later, both sides deployed
for battle on the arid plain about four miles
17:15
The Roman army’s posture was defensive,
its line anchored to the north and south by
17:22
Abdullah, realising the observation potential
of these terrain features, successfully sent
17:30
forces to occupy them.
17:36
Unlike his more iron-willed predecessor, Abdullah
ibn Sa’d was considered personally weak
17:38
by the warriors under his command, an accountant
and bureaucrat rather than general or soldier.
17:44
Lacking Amr’s bravery, Abdullah retreated
to a safe position behind the line where he
17:51
was not likely to suffer any personal threat
once the army was deployed to his liking.
17:56
Fortunately, Gregory was a kindred spirit
in that he wasn’t a bold frontline commander
18:02
either, choosing to oversee the clash from
a throne inside the walls of Sufetula.
18:07
Subordinates and lower-level officers fought
the battle for him on a tactical level.
18:14
At the dawn the next day, fighting commenced.
18:21
Details about the first days of Sufetula are
unclear and sparse in our sources, but it
18:25
is evident that the combat was incredibly
fierce, uninterrupted, and bloody.
18:30
Although the actual battlefield was a flat
plain, the ridges on either flank prevented
18:36
any outflanking maneuvers or fancy tactical
flair.
18:41
Moreover, the uninvolved nature of both army’s
skittish commanders further paralysed the
18:45
After a few days of such indecisive fighting,
Gregory decided to attempt an assassination
18:53
of the enemy leader in order to sever the
head from the Muslim serpent, but obviously
18:59
wasn’t going to do the deed himself.
19:04
Instead, he offered to wed his legendarily
beautiful, intelligent, and valiant daughter
19:06
to the Roman warrior who killed Abdullah.
19:13
Morale in the Exarch’s army skyrocketed
at this news, with each warrior - whether
19:16
they were Roman, Vandalic, Greek or Berber,
steeling themselves with the aim of gaining
19:21
the princess’ hand.
19:26
Word of this also spread throughout the Muslim
army and in particular to Abdullah himself.
19:29
Not at all comfortable with being a marked
man, his confidence suffered an even further
19:37
To counter Gregory’s offer, the Muslim commander
announced to his army that he would grant
19:43
the Exarch’s daughter to any warrior who
personally killed her father, before withdrawing
19:49
Still however, the next few days continued
as a deadly stalemate of bitter violence,
19:56
brought to a crescendo by the offer and counteroffer
between generals.
20:02
This continued without end until one of Abdullah’s
officers - Zubayr - was approached by a Berber
20:09
defector from Gregory’s army.
20:15
He told the Muslim captain that because fighting
had until that point been quite far from the
20:17
walls, the Exarch’s position, near Sufetula’s
northern gate, was actually very thinly defended.
20:23
Alerted to this crucial information and the
best route which he should take in order to
20:30
exploit the opportunity, Zubayr put forward
his plan to the demoralised Muslim commander,
20:35
and was granted leadership over the army’s
mobile reserve - about 2,000 strong.
20:41
The invaders’ spirits were buoyed due to
the dynamism and boldness of this dashing
20:48
young officer, who spent the remainder of
the day setting his scheme into motion.
20:53
Swarmed by warriors who desired to embark
on the risky venture with him, the younger
20:58
Zubayr eventually selected thirty of the fiercest,
most capable, and valiant combatants his army
21:03
could offer as an attack squad.
21:09
When asked what they were to do, Zubayr replied
- “I am attacking, defend me against those
21:12
who assail me from the rear and I shall defend
you from the front!”
21:18
During the near soundless hours of night,
after issuing all necessary orders, Zubayr
21:24
positioned himself, his 30 stalwarts, and
the mobile reserve horsemen behind Sufetula’s
21:30
Then when morning came, both armies closed
with one another and fought as though nothing
21:38
At noon, with an especially hot day weighing
down on them heavily, both armies broke contact
21:43
and withdrew - the Romans quickly, the Muslims
suspiciously sluggishly.
21:50
Distracted by the din of war, Gregory, his
attendants, and guards did not notice as Zubayr
21:56
and his band of daredevils galloped into the
city through what became known as the ‘gate
22:02
Realising what was happening, the Exarch’s
guard formed a hasty line, but the 30 Muslim
22:09
warriors broke it and allowed Zubayr a clean
run at the African ruler.
22:14
In the confusion, Gregory initially believed
this lone mounted figure to be an envoy, and
22:19
Gregory was killed and his head sliced from
his body.
22:26
Word of their leader’s death quickly reached
the retreating Roman infantry, causing terrible
22:31
confusion and disheartening the soldiers.
22:38
Then, at the perfect moment, Zubayr’s large
mounted reserve crested the North Ridge, rode
22:41
at a gallop and charged into the disorganised
Exarchate army’s left wing with saber and
22:47
lance before wheeling around the battlefield.
22:53
Simultaneously, the bulk of the Muslim infantry
turned about and advanced, locking their tenacious
22:56
enemy into an unwinnable fight.
23:02
Pressured from the front by Arab infantry
and outmanuevered by swift Muslim horsemen
23:04
all around, the Roman army collapsed and its
soldiers scattered in all directions in their
23:09
Zubayr’s cavalry reaped an especially bloody
toll and, within a short time, the battered
23:16
corpses of Romans, Berber, Vandals, and Greeks
littered the plain outside Sufetula.
23:21
Despite the slaughter, several thousand of
Gregory’s soldiers managed to retreat intact
23:31
towards the capital, believing its walls would
grant them safety.
23:36
It wasn’t their lucky day.
23:40
Zubayr, having handily dealt with the Exarch,
sent small squadrons to hold each of Sufetula’s
23:43
gates, preventing entry or exit.
23:49
When the retreating columns of exhausted Roman
soldiers reached the city therefore, they
23:52
were viciously attacked by Muslim cavalry
coming the other way and cut to pieces.
23:57
The Rashidun triumph at Sufetula is frequently
touted as the point at which Roman Africa
24:06
was forever lost to the Empire, and while
it was a back-breaking moment for the province,
24:12
this is far from true.
24:18
Once the vast quantity of captured silver,
gold and cattle was accumulated and distributed,
24:20
Abdullah ibn Sa’d moved on the Exarchate’s
real capital - Carthage.
24:25
Upon putting the millennia old city to siege,
the Muslim commander and local leaders within
24:31
the city came to an impasse.
24:36
There was no chance that the besiegers would
be able to take Carthage with their overextended
24:39
supply lines and barely functional siege train,
but at the same time, there was no way for
24:44
the inhabitants of Carthage to make them go
away.
24:50
However, with exaggerated reports of Gregory’s
fate fresh in their minds, they asked for
24:53
terms after only a few days.
24:59
Always with income on his brain, Abdullah
ibn Sa’d accepted a vast quantity of Roman
25:02
gold as payment to leave Africa alone keeping
only what they had so far conquered.
25:07
After a subsequent eastward journey of about
three months, the Muslim army arrived back
25:16
in Fustat by late 647, bringing with it a
vast hoard of wealth which further swelled
25:22
the treasury in Medina.
25:28
Regardless of the gathered loot, Abdullah
had effectively won a victory and then given
25:31
up the ghost before the conquest was concluded.
25:36
At about this time - late 648 - the governor
of Syria Muawiya launched a naval expedition
25:40
of unknown scale on Cyprus in order to neutralise
any potential threat that it posed as a staging
25:47
point for future Byzantine attacks.
25:53
Muawiya landed on the Mediterranean island
and seized it without opposition, exacting
25:56
a tribute of 7,000 dinars annually.
26:01
With the North African front winding down,
most expansionist movement within the Rashidun
26:05
Caliphate came to a halt.
26:11
Three years passed in relative quiet until
Abdullah ibn Sa’d led another attempt to
26:13
conquer Nubia in 652, failing once again due
to the country’s ‘Archers of the Eye’
26:19
Because the situation on land between Eastern
Rome and the Caliphate had calcified at the
26:29
Taurus Mountains, both sides began looking
to the sea for an advantage.
26:33
If Constantinople maintained its naval supremacy,
it would have the ability to land a force
26:39
in Syria, Egypt, or Africa at will.
26:44
However, if the Caliphate usurped this control,
they could make the Mediterranean a Muslim
26:47
lake and even threaten the great imperial
city.
26:53
To that end, both the Egyptian governor and
Roman emperor refocused their efforts on constructing
26:57
vast fleets of ships with which to dominate
the sea.
27:03
In 654AD, the Arab and Roman fleets met off
the Lycian coast at what became known as the
27:07
Battle of the Masts.
27:14
Abdullah ibn Sa’d revealed himself to be
a veritable sea wolf compared to his feeble
27:16
reputation on land, crushing Constans II’s
navy in the first true Muslim naval triumph
27:21
and clearing the way for an attack on Constantinople.
27:28
From the status of a subjugated, scorned,
and irrelevant people of the desert, the Arabs
27:34
burst forth from their ancient homeland in
a manner akin to an irresistible sandstorm,
27:40
blowing away everything in their path in the
course of just two decades.
27:45
The third season of the Early Muslim Expansion
will come in late 2021, and we will cover
27:52
the famous battles like Talas, Tours, Guadelete,
Constantinople, and much more, so make sure
27:58
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28:19
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28:23