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In the previous episode, we talked about the beginning of the Great Roman Civil War. 00:06
This first phase was underlined by the conflict between Caesar and Pompey – 2 former allies 00:11
who became mortal enemies. 00:17
The winner was decided during the last battle – Pharsalus. 00:19
Pompey was defeated, but that wasn’t the end of the war, as Caesar had to contend with 00:22
the remainder of the Optimate party and external enemies. 00:27
Welcome to the second episode on Caesar’s civil war. 00:31
Throughout Caesar’s campaigns in Greece, he had continued to levy Legions elsewhere, 00:43
adding the 31st, 32nd, and 33rd to his ranks. 00:49
Following the Battle of Pharsalus, he also inducted some of Pompey’s surrendered men 00:54
into his army, making the 34th, 35th, 36th and 37th Legions. 00:58
Caesar, by this stage of the war, now had the numerical advantage, but the Optimate 01:04
faction still harboured some of the most influential politicians of the day; the war was far from 01:11
over. 01:17
Caesar’s first priority after the Battle of Pharsalus was Pompey himself. 01:19
He immediately left in pursuit, leaving Antony to oversee the political situation in Rome. 01:25
It was the time of year where the elections for next year’s consul would usually be 01:31
decided, and Caesar’s term as consul of the year 48BC would be coming to an end. 01:36
Caesar would entrust Antony with ensuring that his political power continued. 01:43
Having picked up on Pompey’s trail through informants in Asia Minor, Caesar pursued Pompey 01:50
to Egypt with a fleet of 10 Rhodian ships, as well as a few more from Asia Minor. 01:55
Onboard were two Legions, the 6th and 27th, totalling just around 3,200 infantry, as many 02:02
soldiers had been lost to war and illness over the years, and 800 cavalry. 02:09
Caesar only learned of his ex-triumvirs’ death upon his arrival in Alexandria at the 02:16
start of October 48BC, just a few days after Pompey’s death. 02:22
According to Plutarch and Cassius Dio when Caesar was first presented with Pompey’s 02:28
head, he turned away disgusted. 02:33
He was next presented the seal-ring of Pompey, at which point Caesar broke down in tears. 02:36
Both historians interpret this grief differently. 02:44
Plutarch claims that it was genuine; after all, though enemies in later life, Caesar 02:48
and Pompey had been political allies for around 8 years, had effectively ruled Rome together, 02:53
and had even been related by marriage. 03:00
Dio, on the other hand, claims that this grief was only for show and that Caesar had always 03:02
hated Pompey from the start. 03:09
It is impossible to say which is true. 03:11
However, it is likely that Caesar was incredibly frustrated at Pompey’s death. 03:13
Caesar had a genius for public relations; capturing Pompey, forcing him to renounce 03:19
the senate, and then pardoning him, as was Caesar’s habit, would have been the ultimate 03:24
coup de grace. 03:30
Instead, Pompey’s assassination made him a martyr for the Optimate cause, something 03:31
Caesar would have surely wished to avoid. 03:36
In Rome however, Antony was able to capitalise on the news of Pompey’s death. 03:42
Many in Rome had refused to believe that Pompey had been defeated, but upon being presented 03:48
with Pompey’s ring, which Caesar had sent to Rome, they finally accepted that the old 03:53
general had lost and was dead. 03:59
Rome now acclaimed Caesar as the victor, bestowing countless honours on him. 04:02
Seizing upon the situation, Antony labeled the Pompeiians in Africa as conspirators, 04:08
declared a national emergency, and that a Dictator was needed. 04:13
The man chosen to be a Dictator was, of course, Caesar. 04:18
Rather than the regular 6 months, his term as Dictator was also set at one year, running 04:23
through until October 47BC. 04:28
In return for his continued loyalty and effectiveness, Antony was named by Caesar as Master of Horse, 04:31
effectively his second-in-command, and was entrusted with the governance of Italy and 04:39
Rome in Caesar’s absence. 04:43
Many Optimate politicians, such as Gaius Cassius now returned to Rome and appealed for forgiveness 04:48
from Caesar - all were spared and welcomed into the new regime. 04:54
Cicero also returned to Rome and was forgiven. 04:59
He returned to the Senate where he hoped to use his influence to do what he could to preserve 05:03
the Republic. 05:08
With Caesar in Egypt now being Dictator, he decided to turn his attention to Roman interests 05:12
in the area, namely the rulership of the kingdom, and its debt to Rome. 05:18
As we have seen, Egypt was ruled by the boy pharaoh Ptolemy XIII. 05:23
The pharaoh’s father, Ptolemy XII, had made an alliance with Rome during Caesar’s tenure 05:29
as consul in 60BC. 05:34
Before his death, Ptolemy XII named his eldest son, Ptolemy XIII, and his eldest daughter, 05:37
Cleopatra VII, as co-rulers, with Rome as the guarantor of the will. 05:43
Tensions between the two sibling rulers quickly escalated, however, both raising armies against 05:49
each other. 05:55
Furthermore, both had inherited the debts of their father. 05:56
Ptolemy XII had borrowed huge sums of money from Rome throughout his life, and by his 06:01
death, there was still an unpaid debt of 17.5 million drachmae to the Republic, which constituted 06:06
approximately half of Egypt’s yearly revenue. 06:13
Caesar was badly in need of money to pay his growing armies and also saw an opportunity 06:17
to solidify Roman influence in the area. 06:22
As consul when the alliance with Egypt was first made, and the current Dictator Caesar 06:26
thought it his obligation to see that pro-Roman rule in Egypt was maintained, and that the 06:31
debt was paid. 06:37
Caesar first attempted to take a diplomatic approach, suggesting that Ptolemy and Cleopatra 06:41
both disband their armies and that he acts as an arbitrator to see their father’s will 06:47
fulfilled. 06:53
He also requested the debt be paid but was willing to reduce it to 10 million drachmae. 06:54
Ptolemy, though pharaoh by title, was still young and, as such, was being advised by a 06:59
council who effectively ruled Egypt through their regency. 07:06
Pothinus, a eunuch, was one of the most influential of these advisors. 07:10
It had been on his advice that Pompey had been assassinated as a ploy to curry favour 07:15
with Caesar. 07:20
Now, he opposed Caesar’s suggestions. 07:21
He saw Caesar’s arrival as a threat to the royal authority, and initially refused to 07:24
pay the debt. 07:29
He even went so far as to bring Ptolemies’ Royal Army into Alexandria under the command 07:31
of Achillas, one of Pompey’s killers. 07:36
This was clear defiance of Caesar’s demands that Ptolemies army be disbanded and, in response, 07:39
Caesar sent messengers to Cleopatra, perhaps thinking she would be able to better fulfill 07:46
his demands without requiring a regent. 07:51
Cleopatra decided to meet Caesar in secret within Alexandria. 07:57
Plutarch gives an extraordinary account of this meeting, in which Cleopatra, with the 08:01
help of her right-hand man Appolodorus, smuggled herself into the city in a bed sack, laundry 08:06
bag, or carpet. 08:12
Cassius Dio gives the much more reasonable account, that the two simply met in secret 08:13
with no reference to her being smuggled in. 08:19
Both sources, however, agree that Cleopatra was quickly able to seduce Caesar. 08:22
Cleopatra is described as being beautiful, charming, and above all, clever. 08:28
She was a brilliant orator, and could speak as many as eight languages, and was the first 08:32
Ptolemaic ruler to learn Egyptian. 08:38
Caesar immediately tried to reconcile the two monarchs, proclaiming them co-monarchs 08:41
and offering the island of Cyprus recently annexed from the Egyptians by Rome to the 08:46
other two siblings, Arsinoe and Ptolemy XIV, thus removing other potential claimants to 08:51
the Egyptian throne. 08:57
Pothinus, however, was not happy with this arrangement. 08:59
He was worried that, due to Cleopatra’s now very close relationship with Caesar, she 09:04
would be the more powerful of the two siblings, and that Pothinus would, as a result, lose 09:10
his influence. 09:15
He began stirring up unrest in the city, even having gold from the temples and royal treasury 09:16
melted down in a deliberate attempt to show Caesar as being extortionate. 09:23
With the situation worsening, Caesar sent emissaries to Achillas and the Egyptian army, 09:28
attempting to explain that he wanted only to be an arbitrator of the will, as was his 09:34
legal right. 09:39
These emissaries were killed on Achillas orders. 09:40
The message was clear; a fight was imminent. 09:44
Caesar was aware that he did not have enough men to fight in the open, only having the 09:49
4,000 he had brought from Greece. 09:54
Instead, he ordered his men to seize the royal quarters where he had been housed. 09:57
Within these quarters were Cleopatra, Pothinus, Arsinoe, and the boy pharaoh Ptolemy himself. 10:03
Having taken control of the pharaoh, Caesar awaited Achillas next move. 10:09
Achillas’ army numbered around 20,000 plus a further 2,000 cavalry, all experienced veterans. 10:14
Their numbers were swelled still further by the rioting Alexandrian citizens, and even 10:22
slaves, who aligned with the army and took up arms, making a kind of militia. 10:28
Things were descending into chaos and Caesar was forced to begin further fortifying his 10:33
position and send messengers to allies and his forces in Asia Minor requesting reinforcements. 10:39
What had started as a simple political mission had now devolved into a siege. 10:46
Achillas army occupied the majority of the city to the west, including the Euonstos Harbour, 10:52
while Caesar only held the royal quarters and the royal harbour. 11:00
Achillas regularly attacked Caesar’s position, probing for weaknesses, but the narrow streets 11:05
helped to mitigate the difference in numbers, Caesar’s men consistently repulsing these 11:10
attacks. 11:15
Achillas next turned his attention to the Great Harbour where both the Egyptian fleet 11:17
and Caesar’s fleet lay at anchor. 11:22
If Achillas could seize this harbour and the ships, he would be able to cut off any chance 11:25
of Caesar being resupplied or receiving reinforcements. 11:30
Sending a diversionary force to attack Caesar’s defences, Achillas simultaneously sent a larger 11:35
force to seize the harbour. 11:40
Caesar was well aware of the strategic value of the harbour and so, leaving as small a 11:43
force as was necessary to hold the defences, led his men to the harbour. 11:49
The fighting around the harbour was particularly brutal and Caesar quickly realised he did 11:54
not have the men to win this fight and defend the harbour. 11:59
Instead, Caesar effectively fought a delaying action, holding off the Egyptian force long 12:03
enough for his men to set fire to the Egyptian fleet and pull their own fleet back to the 12:08
Royal Harbour. 12:14
The fire was ferocious and spread quickly, partially burning the Great Library of Alexandria. 12:18
The damage was relatively minor, fortunately, and the library would continue for a number 12:24
of centuries afterwards. 12:29
Seizing the opportunity of having naval supremacy, Caesar sailed a portion of his men to the 12:32
island of Pharos, which controlled access to all Alexandria’s harbours, establishing 12:37
a small garrison there, likely around the promenade on which the lighthouse itself was 12:43
situated. 12:48
Caesar and the rest of his forces then retreated back to the royal quarters. 12:49
While Caesar persisted in improving his defences, Pothinus continued his resistance from the 12:57
inside. 13:03
Secretly, he sent messages to Achillas encouraging him to continue his attacks and plotted to 13:04
assassinate Caesar. 13:10
Caesar’s men, however, were able to catch some of Pothinus’ messengers who were forced 13:11
to reveal the plot. 13:17
Caesar immediately had Pothinus killed. 13:19
Arsinoe, Ptolemy’s sister, had greater success, escaping Caesar’s defences and joining Achillas. 13:21
Following this, an uneasy status-quo developed. 13:31
Caesar continued to fortify his position against any assaults, even making makeshift battering 13:35
rams to break down the walls of houses to keep a continuous line of defence. 13:41
The Alexandrians also constructed their own barricades to keep Caesar penned in, some 13:47
as high as 12 meters. 13:52
Achillas frequently sent some of the militia forces to assault various points of Caesar’s 13:54
defences to look for weaknesses, keeping his veterans in reserve, but with little success. 14:00
Perhaps frustrated by this lack of success, a rift began to form between Arsinoe and Achillas, 14:07
and eventually, Arsinoe had Achillas killed and replaced by her own man, Ganymedes. 14:13
Ganymedes was a cunning general and immediately took steps to try and break the stalemate. 14:21
Alexandria was supplied by subterranean watercourses that ran throughout the city. 14:28
Ganymedes, therefore, ordered that those sections that flowed into the parts of the city controlled 14:33
by Caesar be blocked, and then had these sections polluted with sea water, rendering them undrinkable. 14:39
Such a tactic would have been difficult to pull off, but the Alexandrians were renowned 14:46
engineers and were quickly able to complete the project, thus making Caesar’s position 14:51
even more precarious. 14:57
Some of Caesar’s men started to panic, some saying they should have retreated much earlier. 14:59
Fortunately for them, Caesar quickly took control of the situation. 15:05
He made it clear that if they were to attempt to retreat, the Alexandrians would catch them 15:09
before they could successfully evacuate everyone. 15:14
He instead ordered wells to be dug day and night, and freshwater was soon found, avoiding 15:17
disaster. 15:24
Though the situation had been quickly rectified, it was clear that Ganymedes was a dangerous 15:25
enemy, not to be taken lightly. 15:31
As time passed Caesar’s situation in Alexandria improved. 15:37
His lieutenant in Asia Minor, Domitius Calvinus, had received Caesar’s request for reinforcements 15:41
and had responded by dispatching two Legions, the 37th by sea, and the 35th by land. 15:47
The 35th was still far from reaching Egypt, but the 37th had now arrived. 15:55
Strong winds had prevented them pulling into Alexandria’s harbour, instead making land 16:01
further down the coast and sending a small boat to inform Caesar of their arrival. 16:07
Caesar badly needed these men and so, leaving all his infantry to hold their positions in 16:12
Alexandria, he left with his fleet and their respective crews to meet the 37th. 16:18
En route, he dispatched small parties to collect what water they could, but these were attacked 16:23
by Egyptian cavalry patrols and captured. 16:30
The Egyptians, thus finding out Caesar’s position, manned a number of small vessels 16:33
with their infantry, hoping to catch Caesar separated from his Legions. 16:38
Caesar was not eager for battle; he needed all his ships for the 37th and with no infantry 16:43
or marines on his ships, the Egyptians would have the advantage in boarding. 16:49
He tried to slip away. 16:54
A Rhodian ship, however, drifted too far from the formation and was caught by the Egyptians, 16:57
forcing Caesar to turn to rescue them. 17:04
Caesar, in his account, is rather damning of these Rhodians for being caught, but also 17:07
notes that they fought bravely with remarkable seamanship. 17:12
They were able to buy enough time for the rest of Caesar’s fleet to close in. 17:16
With no heavy infantry to carry out the customary Roman tactic of boarding an enemy, Caesar 17:21
trusted his crew’s seamanship to ram and cripple as many ships as possible while avoiding 17:27
boarding. 17:32
The plan worked, and the superior ships of Caesar’s fleets were able to sink one ship 17:33
and capture another. 17:39
With night closing in, the Egyptians gave up the battle and retreated. 17:41
Caesar was able to continue to the 37th, adding a much needed 5,000 men to his numbers, towing 17:46
their transports into harbour and arriving back in Alexandria the following morning. 17:52
The Alexandrians were disheartened by this reversal, but Ganymedes was resilient and 18:00
decided that he needed to rob Caesar of his naval capacity. 18:05
More than a hundred ships had been burnt by Caesar in the harbour, but not all were beyond 18:10
repair. 18:15
He ordered the Alexandrians to make repairs on as many ships as possible. 18:16
The citizens and soldiers of Alexandria committed wholly to the task, even going so far as to 18:20
pull wood from the buildings of Alexandria to suit their needs. 18:27
After just a few days, Ganymedes had a fleet of 27 warships and a number of small ships 18:31
ready for duty and prepared for battle. 18:37
Caesar was well aware of the importance of naval supremacy, and also began drawing up 18:40
his fleet, approximately 19 warships and 15 smaller vessels, manning them with infantry 18:45
from the Legions. 18:52
With Caesar setting off from the Royal Harbour, and Ganymedes from the Eunostos the two fleets 18:53
met just off the coast of the Pharos island. 18:59
Caesar and Ganymedes both drew their fleets into two lines. 19:04
Between the two fleets were shoals, with a narrow channel being the only path through. 19:08
Both sides held their position, neither wanting to be caught being the first to pass through 19:14
this channel. 19:19
Eventually, the Rhodian commander, Euphranor, a skilled and well-known admiral, offered 19:20
to break the stalemate. 19:26
He insisted that he and his men would be able to push through and hold for long enough for 19:28
Caesar’s remaining ships to pass through the channel. 19:33
Caesar allowed this, sending Euphranor with 4 Rhodian ships through the channel. 19:36
They quickly passed through, and formed a line to receive the Egyptian ships rapidly 19:41
closing in, delaying long enough for the rest of Caesar’s ship to make it through the 19:46
channel. 19:50
Caesar was extremely admiring of the Rhodian's skill and bravery, saying that not one ship 19:52
was boarded or had its oars broken, each time meeting their enemy head-on. 19:58
With Caesar’s fleet now through the channel, he was fully committed. 20:02
The channel would block any chance of an organised retreat, Caesar would need a win. 20:09
Caesar had made this clear to his men prior to the battle, stressing that the fate of 20:15
the Egyptian campaign rested on their soldiers. 20:20
Though the Alexandrians were renowned sailors, the Romans did have a crucial advantage. 20:23
The coast and shoals meant there was little room to manoeuvre, not only negating Ganymedes 20:29
numerical advantage, but also preventing his men from capitalising on their superior seamanship. 20:34
Instead, the ships were forced into close quarters combat with numerous boarding parties. 20:41
This was the style of naval warfare the Romans excelled at, effectively making a naval battle 20:47
a land battle, where the superior skill and training of the Legions could truly come into 20:54
its own. 21:00
By the end of the battle, 2 Egyptian ships had been captured, 3 sunk and the remnants 21:02
being forced to retreat back to harbour. 21:08
Seeking to capitalise on his naval supremacy, Caesar immediately turned his attention to 21:13
the Pharos island. 21:18
The island was crucial for controlling access to the harbours and was linked to the mainland 21:20
by a bridge which connected two moles, one extending from the island, one from the mainland. 21:26
As has already been mentioned, Caesar had already stationed a small garrison on the 21:32
promenade on the east of the island, and he now saw a chance to completely control the 21:37
Pharos island. 21:41
Leaving just a few cohorts to hold the now completed defences in the city, Caesar ordered 21:43
10 cohorts - approximately 5,000 men, some light infantry and his best Gallic cavalry 21:48
to their transports to prepare for an amphibious assault. 21:55
He then ordered them to attack, at the same time attacking the island’s garrison with 21:59
his warships from the west. 22:03
The fighting on the island was some of the bloodiest so far. 22:05
The narrow streets and rooftops were ideal for the defenders, while Caesar’s men disembarking 22:08
from the ships were forced to wade through shallow waters and across a beach under constant 22:15
missile fire. 22:20
Caesar’s tactic of attacking from two sides had been effective in splitting the island's 22:21
defenders however, and finally the Romans were able to force the Alexandrians to retreat 22:26
across the mole back to Alexandria. 22:32
The retreat was not organised, many choosing to jump from the bridge and mole and swim 22:35
to Alexandria, rather than be caught in the bottleneck. 22:40
Caesar gives the Alexandrian losses as being 6,000 captured and killed. 22:44
Following this victory, Caesar fortified defences around the bridge controlling access to the 22:52
Pharos, the Alexandrians garrisoning the bridge linking the mainland city to the mole. 22:57
This bridge had a large arch, through which the Alexandrians could potentially send ships. 23:02
In order to stop the Egyptians being able to harass his own ships, Caesar would need 23:09
to control this bridge. 23:14
The day after taking the island, he first sent ships with artillery and archers to attack 23:16
the Alexandrian garrison holding the bridge, forcing them to retreat, and then landed himself 23:21
and 3 cohorts, about 1, 500 men, on the mole. 23:27
These men were then ordered to build a rampart to defend the bridge from the Alexandrian 23:32
side, while men from the Pharos brought up stones from destroyed buildings to block the 23:37
arch of the bridge. 23:42
All seemed to be going well, when the Alexandrians suddenly made a huge push from the city to 23:43
retake the bridge, simultaneously bringing up light ships to try and land some of their 23:49
own men on the mole. 23:54
With Caesar on the mole, some of his ships tried to take the initiative themselves, landing 23:58
marines, slingers and archers on the mole. 24:03
Initially, these missiles were effective at fending off the Alexandrian light ships, but 24:06
eventually the ships bypassed their position, landing behind them on the mole. 24:10
These lightly armed troops were quickly outfought by the Alexandrians and panic ensued as they 24:16
attempted to retreat back to their ships. 24:21
Caesar and the three cohorts were now caught in a pincer. 24:24
Seeing their allied light infantry in disarray, the cohorts also began to break. 24:27
Some fought a desperate last stand and were cut down, many more desperately tried to retreat 24:33
to their transports. 24:38
Amongst these was Caesar. 24:40
Due to the sheer number and panic, however, many of these transports began to capsize. 24:42
Thinking fast, Caesar was forced to strip his armour and dive off the boat, swimming 24:48
to his nearby ships to save his life. 24:53
The battle had been a disaster for Caesar. 24:56
Though the Pharos island was in Caesar’s hands, the bridge was not and so the Alexandrians 24:59
could still use the arch to harass his own ships. 25:04
Moreover, according to Caesar himself, he lost 400 legionaries and another 400 sailors 25:08
and marines. 25:14
Seeking to capitalize on their good fortune the Alexandrians sent emissaries to Caesar, 25:17
requesting Ptolemy be returned to them, in exchange for an end in the hostilities. 25:23
Caesar relented, and handed the pharaoh over, with the understanding that Ptolemy would 25:28
then negotiate peace terms. 25:33
The young king betrayed Caesar, however, and took control of the army, continuing the assaults 25:35
on Caesar’s defences. 25:41
The decision to hand over Ptolemy was clearly a mistake. 25:43
In his own account, Caesar relays how his own officers and centurions strongly criticised 25:47
him for his lack of judgement and trust in the king. 25:52
Caesar attempts to justify his decision, claiming “it was part of a far-sighted strategy’ 25:56
which his men did not understand, and that Ptolemy had cried and begged Caesar to let 26:01
him stay. 26:06
This seems a clear point where Caesar was using his narrative to try and revise the 26:07
events and put a positive spin on things. 26:13
It is far more likely, given Caesar’s situation, that he was grasping at straws by letting 26:16
Ptolemy go and, judging by how much Caesar attempts to mask this, he was well aware that 26:21
he had made a mistake. 26:27
Nevertheless, roughly a month later, around the end of February/start of March, Caesar’s 26:31
fortunes began to turn. 26:37
His allies in Asia Minor had been rallying a force together and marching through Syria 26:39
and the Levant to Egypt, while supplies were being sent by ship to Caesar. 26:44
Word of this had already reached the Alexandrians, however, who sent a fleet to intercept the 26:49
supplies. 26:54
As soon as Caesar heard of this, he sent his own ships, commanded by Tiberius Nero and 26:55
Euphranor to defend his allies' supply ships. 27:00
Though the Romans were able to win the battle, Euphranor’s ship was surrounded and the 27:03
Rhodian was killed. 27:08
The army was also having success. 27:12
The force was around 13,000 strong and commanded by Mithridates of Pergamum, an experienced, 27:15
talented general and close friend of Caesar. 27:21
He had now made it to the Nile Delta, having already stormed and seized the strategically 27:25
important town of Pelusium. 27:30
An Egyptian force was hastily gathered and sent to attack Mithridates at the river, hoping 27:32
to either destroy his army or at the very least, prevent him from reaching Alexandria 27:38
and supporting Caesar. 27:43
Mithridates had been well trained in the Roman style of warfare however and successfully 27:45
fortified his position, holding the Egyptians in check and inflicting heavy casualties as 27:50
he did so. 27:56
Messengers were sent to both Caesar and Ptolemy of these events, both learning of them around 28:00
the same time. 28:04
Ptolemy knew Mithridates had to be crushed, or else risk Mithridates attacking his force 28:06
in Alexandria from the rear while they were busy besieging Caesar. 28:11
Similarly, Caesar was well aware that any hope of victory now rested in the Mithridates 28:16
army. 28:21
Both decided to move to the Nile, Ptolemy leaving just the militia in Alexandria, and 28:22
sailing his army down the river, Caesar leaving a light garrison in Alexandria before taking 28:27
the sea route. 28:32
Ptolemy had the quicker route and was able to reach the Nile Delta before Caesar, merging 28:34
with the force already there and taking a strong defensive position on high ground with 28:39
their rear protected by the Nile, one flank by rocky high ground, and the other flank 28:44
by marsh land. 28:50
Caesar arrived shortly afterwards, before Ptolemy could launch on Mithridates position, 28:54
meeting Mithridates approximately 7 miles away from Ptolemies camp. 29:00
In order to reach the king, they would need to ford a small river. 29:04
Ptolemy sent a force of cavalry and light infantry to this river, hoping to harass Caesar 29:09
and his allies as they crossed. 29:14
However, Caesar’s Germanic and Gallic cavalry, by now well experienced in river crossings, 29:16
had been sent ahead of Caesar's main army, crossing the river undetected. 29:21
Meanwhile, Caesar had his Legions cut down trees, placing them across the river as makeshift 29:26
bridges and ordered them to charge across. 29:31
The Legions poured across, falling upon the Egyptian light infantry and cavalry. 29:35
As they did, Caesar’s Gallic and Germanic cavalry appeared, charging into the Egyptian 29:40
flank, routing them almost immediately. 29:45
Only a few managed to make it to Ptolemies camp, the rest being cut down by Caesar’s 29:48
cavalry. 29:53
As was his custom, Caesar encamped close to the enemy stationing his men at the bottom 29:54
of the hill, eager to tempt his enemy into battle. 29:59
With Ptolemy in command of the army, a victory here would put an end to all Egyptian resistance. 30:03
Caesar had with him the 37th Legion, the remnants of the 6th and 27th, plus the reinforcements 30:12
brought by Mithridates; roughly 20,000 infantry and another 1,000 cavalry. 30:18
Ptolemies force was slightly larger, perhaps 27,000, including the 20,000 veterans who 30:25
had been at Alexandria, and 2,000 cavalry. 30:31
With Ptolemies force being larger and holding the better position, Caesar attempted to draw 30:35
the young king out of position by attacking a nearby hamlet that had been lightly garrisoned 30:41
by Ptolemies men. 30:46
He committed his whole force to this attack routing the garrison, but Ptolemy did not 30:48
take the bait. 30:54
Caesar ordered his men to pursue the fleeing Egyptians up the hill to Ptolemies position, 30:55
hoping that the panicked garrison might trigger a mass rout. 31:01
Ptolemies men held their positions however, and Caesar’s men now found themselves in 31:05
a tough uphill battle against an entrenched enemy. 31:09
Some of his men tried to circle around the Egyptian position, attempting to attack Ptolemy 31:13
from the rear, but these men were soon peppered by missiles not just from the high ground, 31:18
but also from Ptolemies ships on the river. 31:24
Effectively cut off from the rest of Caesar’s force, these men took brutal casualties, having 31:27
little choice but to try and hide behind their shields. 31:32
So far, Caesar was making little headway and his men were starting to lose ground. 31:38
As they were being pushed back though, the Alexandrians were pushing forward, out of 31:44
their camp and slowly moving further off the high ground. 31:49
Noticing this crucial error, Caesar sent a detachment of cohorts to skirt around the 31:53
battle lines to seize Ptolemies camp. 31:57
They quickly stormed the defences, overrunning the few Egyptians there, before rushing down 32:01
the hill to attack Ptolemies main force in the rear. 32:06
This move proved decisive, triggering mass panic along Ptolemies line which quickly broke. 32:09
They retreated in chaos to the river, piling onto their ships, many of which capsized in 32:15
the confusion. 32:21
Many Egyptians, weighed down by their armour, drowned in the river, among them the young 32:22
king Ptolemy himself. 32:27
Wasting no time after this victory, Caesar immediately rode to Alexandria with his cavalry, 32:32
proclaiming his success and Ptolemies death. 32:38
With the king dead, the militia there immediately surrendered. 32:41
Caesar had won. 32:45
We do not know how many casualties there were on either side. 32:46
Caesar’s men who had tried to attack the camp from the Nile side are said to have taken 32:50
heavy casualties, and Caesar’s force had been forced to fight a difficult battle. 32:56
Given these circumstances, an approximation of around 1,000-2,000 losses for Caesar seems 33:02
probable, and perhaps as many as 10,000 for the Egyptians. 33:08
Following the campaign Caesar embarked on a 3-month long pleasure cruise with Cleopatra 33:15
down the Nile where he, in Appian’s words, “generally enjoyed himself with her.” 33:20
Soon afterwards, Cleopatra gave birth to a boy, Ptolemy XV, who would later be nicknamed 33:26
Caesarion. 33:32
Though Caesar never officially acknowledged Caesarion as being his son, his birth, in 33:33
June 47BC, would align with Cleopatra’s first meeting with Caesar at the end of 48BC. 33:41
Cleopatra insisted that Caesar was the father, and it is also worth remembering that Cleopatra 33:47
had spent most of that time besieged in Alexandria and so did not have access to a large number 33:53
of suitors. 33:59
Cleopatra agreed to pay the 10 million drachmae debt requested by Caesar and was named co-ruler 34:00
with her brother Ptolemy XIV in sibling marriage, naming both friends of Rome. 34:07
In total, Caesar’s escapade in Egypt had taken a full 9 months. 34:15
Plutarch calls it “not necessary…inglorious and full of peril”. 34:20
It is hard to disagree with this assessment. 34:24
Though Caesar had successfully had the Egyptian debt paid and a pro-Roman rule installed, 34:27
he had wasted a lot of time and his attention had been badly needed elsewhere. 34:33
In the 9 months Caesar was in Egypt, Antony, though talented on the battlefield, had proved 34:38
to be a poor governor. 34:44
His refusal to cancel outstanding debts was unpopular not only with senators, but also 34:46
with plebs and veterans, the core of Caesar’s supporters. 34:51
The unrest this caused was so great, that Antony had resorted to bringing soldiers into 34:56
the city of Rome itself in a desperate attempt to contain the situation. 35:01
Caesar’s lieutenant Quintus Cassius Longinus, who had been left to govern Hispania Ulterior, 35:07
had been equally disastrous. 35:14
His tyrannical governance of the province had even led to a short-lived pro-Optimate 35:16
rebellion. 35:22
Furthermore, some of his men had rebelled and proclaimed Marcellus as the new praetor 35:23
instead. 35:28
The province of Illyricum had also been stirred to revolt by Marcus Octavius, who was constantly 35:29
assaulting towns in the area. 35:35
In Asia Minor, Pharnaces II of Pontus, another son of Mithridates VI, had taken advantage 35:38
of the chaos caused by the Civil War, attacking a number of Roman allies. 35:44
Meanwhile, throughout the past 9 months, Cato, Scipio, the sons of Pompey and Labienus had 35:50
been consolidating their strength in North Africa, amassing a vast army. 35:57
Caesar had entered Alexandria as Dictator and effectively master of the Roman world, 36:03
save for a rebellious faction in North Africa. 36:08
He was now leaving with dissent, war, and rebellion in North Africa, Spain, Italy, Illyricum, 36:11
and Asia Minor. 36:17
Leaving three Legions in Egypt, Caesar took the remains of the veteran Sixth and marched 36:19
for Asia Minor through Syria. 36:29
At the end of 48BC, while Caesar was besieged in Alexandria, the fruits of his victory at 36:34
Pharsalus seemed to be crumbling. 36:41
Rome, governed by Antony, was in chaos, the Pompeian faction in North Africa was rebuilding 36:43
a large army and there had been rebellions and pro-Pompeian insurrections in Spain and 36:49
Illyria. 36:56
Caesar had continuously been recruiting to try and contain the situation, reinstituting 36:57
Legions 1, 2, 3 and 4, some of which were made primarily of ex-Pompeian soldiers, but 37:02
the problems persisted. 37:09
One of the most pressing of these problems was in Asia Minor. 37:12
Son of the infamous enemy of Rome Mithridates VI, the king of Bosphorus Pharnaces II was 37:15
eager to return Pontus under his control and he had seized upon the opportunity presented 37:22
by the Civil War and attacked a number of Rome’s allies in the area. 37:28
Caesar’s victory could not be so quickly tarnished by a foreign king, Pharnaces had 37:33
to be dealt with. 37:39
With Caesar trapped in Alexandria, the responsibility fell to his long-time ally, Gnaeus Domitius 37:41
Calvinus. 37:49
Domitius had distinguished himself in Caesar’s Greek campaign, keeping Scipio’s army pinned 37:51
and commanding Caesar’s centre at Pharsalus. 37:57
In recognition of this service, he had been appointed governor of the Roman province of 38:01
Asia. 38:05
Soon after his appointment, Pharnaces had gone on the warpath, invading Lesser Armenia 38:07
and Cappadocia, lands that belonged to the allied Roman kings Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes 38:12
respectively. 38:19
Both had previously supported Pompey in the war against Mithridates and the Civil War, 38:20
but had been allowed to maintain their positions, so long as they paid tribute to Caesar and 38:26
the Republic. 38:31
In late 48BC Deiotarus came to Domitius, requesting Rome’s assistance, arguing that he would 38:32
not be able to pay this tribute if Pharnaces was victorious. 38:40
Domitius immediately sent a delegation to the king of Bosphorus, demanding that he stop 38:46
his attack and withdraw. 38:52
To reinforce this demand, Domitius also began raising an army. 38:54
He had originally been assigned 3 Legions by Caesar, the 35th, 36th and 37, formed from 38:59
some of Pompey’s men after Pharsalus, but 2 of these Legions had already been dispatched 39:06
to reinforce Caesar, leaving just the 36th in Asia. 39:12
To increase his numbers, Domitius hastily levied a Legion from Pontus. 39:17
Deiotarus, who had adopted the Roman military style training his men in the Legionary tradition, 39:22
supplied 2 more Legions of his own plus 100 cavalry, with Ariobarzanes contributing a 39:28
further 10,000 infantry and 100 cavalry. 39:35
In total, Domitius' army numbered around 30,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry. 39:38
All now marched to Pontus to put pressure on Pharnaces. 39:45
Pharnaces soon replied to Domitius’ message, stating that he had withdrawn from Cappadocia 39:50
but had taken Lesser Armenia for himself, claiming it as his right through his father’s 39:57
conquests, offering to wait until Caesar arrived to mediate the matter. 40:03
In reality, Pharnaces had only abandoned Cappadocia because it was too distant from his homeland 40:09
to be practically defended, while Lesser Armenia was next to his own kingdom. 40:14
Pharnaces had heard that Domitius had sent 2 of his 3 Legions to Caesar and was confident 40:21
that the Roman general would not have the quality or quantity of army needed to stop 40:27
him. 40:32
Pharnaces’ confidence was well founded; his army was well trained and experienced, 40:33
many being veterans of over 20 battles. 40:38
Furthermore, though the exact size of his army is unknown, modern estimates put it at 40:41
around 20,000 and he certainly had a huge cavalry advantage over Domitius. 40:46
Domitius saw this offer for what it really was, a façade. 40:51
He mustered his army and marched to Lesser Armenia, keeping to high ground to prevent 40:58
any potential ambushes. 41:03
As he marched, Pharnaces sent a number of delegations, hoping to bribe Domitius with 41:06
offers of money and treasure. 41:11
Domitius was resilient, however, replying to Pharnaces that by attacking Rome’s allies, 41:13
he had insulted the Republic and would now pay the consequences. 41:19
Domitius pushed his army hard, ordering a number of long marches, soon arriving in Lesser 41:24
Armenia. 41:29
He encamped seven miles from the city of Nicopolis, where Pharnaces had gathered his army. 41:31
The city was located on a plain, but encircled on two sides by mountains. 41:39
In order to reach the city, Domitius would have to march through a pass in these mountains, 41:45
presenting Pharnaces with an ideal situation to ambush his enemy. 41:50
Choosing his best infantry and almost all his cavalry, he had them lie in wait in the 41:55
pass. 42:00
To better conceal his plan, Pharnaces also ordered cattle and peasants into the defile 42:01
to maintain a look of normalcy. 42:07
He also kept up his façade of finding a diplomatic solution, sending constant peace envoys to 42:09
Domitius. 42:15
Unfortunately for Pharnaces, these envoys somewhat backfired, with Domitius staying 42:16
in camp for a number of days attempting to genuinely negotiate with Pharnaces’ ambassadors. 42:22
As the days passed, Pharnaces grew increasingly worried that his ambush would be discovered. 42:28
Not wanting to risk his men, Pharnaces ordered them to withdraw from their positions. 42:34
He would have to wait to fight a battle in the open. 42:40
He did not have to wait long. 42:45
Domitius saw that peace would be impossible and marched his force closer to Nicopolis 42:47
and began to fortify a second camp. 42:52
As they began to encamp, Pharnaces’ army poured out of the city and drew up for battle. 42:56
Pharnaces knew that his cavalry was his greatest advantage and that they would be wasted in 43:01
the city, but the plains in front of the city would be ideal terrain for them. 43:07
Hastily, Domitius completed his camp, drawing his army inside. 43:12
It is probable that Domitius had originally planned to besiege Pharnaces inside Nicopolis 43:17
and so negate his cavalry advantage; now it seemed that the tables would be turned and 43:23
Domitius would be the one besieged in the fort. 43:29
The following night, Pharnaces intercepted messengers from Caesar telling Domitius of 43:35
his situation in Alexandria and requesting immediate reinforcements. 43:40
Seeing a golden opportunity, Pharnaces let these messengers go, sending them to Domitius. 43:45
Domitius was now caught in a dilemma; on the one hand he could keep his force inside the 43:50
fort, which would better preserve his army but would mean he would not be able to reinforce 43:57
Caesar possibly jeopardizing the whole Alexandrian campaign; on the other, he could leave the 44:02
fort to try and force a quick battle against Pharnaces before rushing to Caesar, but would 44:09
first have to fight in open terrain where Pharnaces’ cavalry would have an advantage. 44:14
Pharnaces had put Domitius in a dangerous position. 44:21
Seeking to capitalise on it, Pharnaces ordered two long trenches to be dug from the walls 44:26
of Nicopolis to the front of his lines, each 4 feet deep. 44:31
He placed his infantry between the two trenches in one unbroken line, with a further three 44:36
lines of infantry each behind the centre and flanks. 44:42
His cavalry was put on the extreme flank outside of the trenches. 44:45
Pharnaces had effectively constructed a funnel that would force a frontal attack and protect 44:50
the flanks of his infantry, while still allowing his cavalry room to manoeuvre. 44:56
It was a brilliant tactic and would be very difficult for Domitius’ army to crack. 45:01
Nevertheless, faced with the option of saving Caesar or preserving his army, Domitius chose 45:08
Caesar and decamped for battle. 45:15
He drew his force up in the triple axis, the 36th on the right, the rookie Pontic Legion 45:18
on the left, Deiotarus’ Legions in the centre, and Ariobazarnes’ men making up the back 45:24
lines. 45:30
Domitius gave the order and his army charged. 45:31
The 36th, partly made of Pompeian veterans, fought brilliantly against the cavalry opposite 45:34
them, forcing a way through to the walls of Nicopolis and even beginning to cross the 45:40
trench, attacking Pharnaces’ centre. 45:45
However, these were the only men in Domitius’ army having any success. 45:48
It is not entirely clear what happened to the Pontic Legion, but it seems they tried 45:52
to force a way through the cavalry on their wing, as the 36th had done, but had not been 45:57
successful and were pushed into the trench, being attacked from two sides by cavalry and 46:02
infantry. 46:08
The centre was even less successful; Deiotarus’ Legions and Ariozabarnes’ men had put up 46:09
little resistance, breaking soon after engaging Pharnaces’ infantry. 46:16
With the Roman left and centre now broken, Pharnaces’ army now started to surround 46:23
the 36th legion. 46:28
Its experience proved invaluable, however. 46:30
Forming a fighting circle called orbis, with the high ranking officers including Domitius 46:34
in the centre, the 36th cut their way out of the encirclement, fighting their way to 46:39
nearby rocky hills. 46:44
With his victory secure and given the difficult terrain, Pharnaces did not press them. 46:47
The 36th had lost just 250 men, but Domitius’ allies had suffered many more, Deiotarus’ 46:54
men alone losing around 5,000. 47:01
The Pontic Legion had also taken heavy casualties; Caesar says that a number of Roman nobles 47:05
were killed in the battle, and it is likely that they were officers of the Pontic Legion. 47:10
Gathering the remnants of his army, Domitius retreated back to his province of Asia. 47:17
Pharnaces immediately capitalised on his victory, seizing his father’s old kingdom of Pontus 47:22
which Pompey had claimed for Rome. 47:29
He stormed a number of Roman-held towns in early 47BC, putting many Roman citizens to 47:31
death, castrating Roman boys, and plundering the treasuries. 47:38
He would not be able to enjoy his victory for long, however. 47:42
Roman Asia was probably saved by a revolt early in the Summer led by Pharnaces son-in-law 47:46
Asander, which drew Pharnaces north postponing the invasion. 47:52
Caesar by now had won the battle of the Nile, received word of Domitius' defeat and was 47:57
en route to personally handle the situation. 48:03
Caesar arrived in Syria, spending a few days sorting out administrative problems in the 48:08
province, before leaving his kinsman Sextus Caesar in control and sailing to Cilicia. 48:13
Here, he again spent a few days settling local problems, before pushing on into Galatia where 48:19
he met Deiotarus. 48:25
The latter was somewhat nervous of Caesar as he had previously sided with Pompey. 48:27
The king sought forgiveness, explaining that due to his position in the East, he had little 48:33
choice but to support Pompey. 48:38
With customary clemency, Caesar forgave Deiotarus, though he did chide him for his decision. 48:41
Caesar mustered the remnants of Domitius’ army in Pontus at the end of July 47BC and 48:50
prepared to march. 48:56
The 6th Legion, that he had brought with him from Alexandria had taken many casualties 48:58
over the years, and more still had been taken seasick after sailing from Syria to Cilicia, 49:03
reducing their numbers to less than 1,000. 49:09
The rest of the army was formed by the one remaining Legion of Deiotarus, the remnants 49:11
of the Pontic Legion and 36th. 49:17
In total, Caesar’s army may have numbered somewhere around 15,000, with the 6th and 49:19
some of the 36th the only ones who could be considered veterans. 49:26
With Pharnaces’ army being larger and more experienced, this would seem likely to be 49:31
a long and difficult campaign for Caesar. 49:36
Caesar’s arrival forced the Bosphoran king to stop his movement to the north. 49:40
Pharnaces was well aware that Caesar was badly needed elsewhere, namely in Rome itself. 49:47
Aiming to exploit this, Pharnaces attempted to stall Caesar, as he had done with Domitius, 49:52
hoping that Caesar would be forced to return to Rome soon to deal with the turmoil there. 49:59
Numerous peace delegations were sent to Caesar, highlighting the fact that Pharnaces had not 50:05
provided auxiliaries to Pompey and that Pharnaces wanted a peaceful resolution. 50:10
In response, Caesar said that he would be willing to forgive Pharnaces, but in exchange 50:15
demanded his full surrender and the return of all taken lands and money. 50:21
Still wanting to buy as much time as possible, Pharnaces initially agreed to these demands, 50:27
but deliberately delayed, pushing back the date he planned to withdraw his troops. 50:33
Caesar quickly saw through this charade. 50:38
Never one for wasting time, he decided to follow his tried and tested method; to find 50:41
and engage his enemy as quickly as possible. 50:46
Pharnaces had made camp near the town of Zela, on the site of a famous victory won by his 50:50
father against the Romans. 50:56
His camp was in a strong defensive position on high ground, with a track linking his camp 50:58
to the town to maintain his supply line, and a valley protecting his flank. 51:03
Caesar initially camped 5 miles from this location, but upon his scouts reporting Pharnaces’ 51:09
position, he determined to seize the high ground opposite Pharnaces on the other side 51:15
of the valley. 51:20
Supplies needed to build ramparts were collected in the first camp, and then orders given for 51:22
the Legions to march quickly, without baggage, seizing the new location before Pharnaces 51:27
had a chance to react. 51:32
The supplies were then brought up from the first camp, and the Legions began work on 51:34
constructing ramparts along the high ground. 51:38
Suddenly, Pharnaces drew his army out of camp. 51:41
Given the terrain between the two camps, Caesar, in his account, is somewhat baffled by this. 51:47
Nevertheless, he drew up one line of infantry in front of the workers to protect them, confident 51:52
that Pharnaces would not risk an attack. 51:58
However, Pharnaces suddenly began marching his men down his side of the valley in battle 52:01
formation. 52:06
Again, Caesar in his account is amazed at this strategy. 52:07
He suggests that Pharnaces may have been influenced by advantageous omens, or that he may have 52:12
been overly confident given his recent victory over Domitius and the size and experience 52:17
of his army. 52:23
When Pharnaces’ men began the climb up the valley to Caesar’s position, Caesar apparently 52:24
could not help but laugh at the absurdity of the tactic. 52:29
Nonetheless, Pharnaces’ plan had somewhat worked. 52:34
Caesar was so astounded, that he had not yet recalled the majority of his army from their 52:39
construction of the defences. 52:44
Pharnaces men fell upon the thin defensive line Caesar had placed in front, while Caesar 52:47
hastily ordered the rest of his army to join the defensive line. 52:53
As his men rushed forwards, some of Pharnaces scythed chariots broke through the thin line, 52:57
initially wreaking havoc among Caesar’s men scrambling to get into positions. 53:03
As more of Caesar’s men moved forward however, these chariots found themselves under intense 53:08
missile fire and were forced to retreat, Caesar’s men finally forming a complete battle line 53:13
with the sixth on the right, the 36th on the left and the Pontic and Deiotarian Legion 53:19
in the centre. 53:25
Despite the Legions having the huge terrain advantage, the fighting against Pharnaces’ 53:29
veterans was bitter, with brutal hand-to-hand fighting across the line. 53:34
Eventually, the 6th, with the height advantage, began forcing their opponents back. 53:39
Pharnaces line began to buckle, and soon the centre and left were also being forced down 53:44
the slope. 53:50
As Pharnaces men attempted to retreat, many lost their footing only to be crushed by their 53:51
comrades with the Legions bearing down upon them. 53:57
Soon Pharnaces’ entire army broke, throwing aside their weapons to try and more easily 54:00
climb back up the valley to their camp. 54:06
Caesar ordered his men to pursue, pushing up the hill and storming the camp, killing 54:09
the few men Pharnaces had left to guard it. 54:13
Almost all of Pharnaces’ army had been killed or captured though the King himself had managed 54:19
to escape. 54:24
Caesar had only taken light casualties. 54:26
The campaign initially seemed that it could take months and numerous battles to complete. 54:29
Indeed, the Mithridatic Wars that Rome had waged against Pharnaces’ father had spanned 54:34
25 years, and Pompey had spent 3 years campaigning in Asia Minor and securing the region for 54:40
Rome. 54:46
Caesar’s campaign had lasted just 5 days since he arrived in Pontus with the entire 54:47
enemy force defeated in a day. 54:53
Though the victory was more a result of Pharnaces’ rather baffling strategy than any brilliant 54:56
generalship from Caesar, Caesar was never one to miss out on a propaganda opportunity. 55:01
A simple message was spread through Rome proclaiming Caesar’s success: veni, vidi, vici. 55:07
I came, I saw, I conquered. 55:14
After the battle, Pharnaces attempted to retreat to the north, but was chased by Domitius. 55:19
With few options left, he had to abandon Sinope. 55:25
Pharnaces then sailed to Bosphorus to raise another army and even had some success before 55:28
he was defeated and killed by Asander. 55:34
In response to the events in Bosphorus, Caesar appointed Mithridates of Pergamum, who was 55:37
invaluable during the campaign in Egypt, the king of Bosphorus. 55:43
In the time Caesar had spent in Egypt and Asia Minor, the situation in Spain and Illyria 55:49
had also improved. 55:54
Lepidus, the future triumvir and current governor of Hispania Citerior, had intervened in Hispania 55:56
Ulterior, stabilising the region. 56:03
Trebonius had been assigned to replace Longinus who was dismissed and died in a storm while 56:05
leaving the province. 56:11
Meanwhile, another of Caesar’s lieutenants, Vatinius, had gathered a fleet and the veterans 56:12
left in Brundisium who had been too sick to join Caesar in Greece to confront Octavius. 56:18
The veterans had proved their worth, winning a quick naval victory over Octavius, securing 56:24
Illyricum and forcing Octavius to retreat to North Africa. 56:29
With these areas secured, Caesar could now begin to turn his attention to the last remaining 56:36
threat, the Pompeian faction in North Africa. 56:42
But firstly, he was needed in Rome. 56:45
Antony’s governance had been disastrous, and Caesar could not afford to embark on another 56:48
campaign with Rome in turmoil. 56:53
Caesar left the 36th and Pontic Legion in Asia Minor, ordering the 6th back to Italy, 56:56
following them shortly afterwards. 57:03
It is now late in 47BC, almost a year and half since the Battle of Pharsalus. 57:10
Caesar had fought Pharsalus intending it to be a final killing blow to the Pompeian cause, 57:16
and while it had been successful in severely handicapping the Pompeians, it had failed 57:22
to destroy them completely. 57:27
While Caesar had spent the last 18 months campaigning in the East, the Pompeian faction 57:30
had been rebuilding in North Africa. 57:35
Leadership had initially been offered to Cicero, but he had refused, preferring to use his 57:39
political talents to try and influence the Senate in Rome. 57:44
Instead, leadership was split between Cato and Scipio. 57:48
Cato was something of a natural successor; he had consistently been one of Caesar’s 57:55
most ardent opponents and wielded great influence and prestige in the party, but he had next 58:01
to no military experience. 58:07
To balance this, Metellus Scipio was appointed as the overall military commander. 58:10
Scipio had a long political career, had served as consul alongside Pompey in 52BC, had commanded 58:15
an army in Greece against Domitius Calvinus and had commanded the centre at Pharsalus. 58:23
Despite these honours, Scipio had not really proved himself as a talented general. 58:29
A number of his subordinates, most notably Labienus, were undoubtedly better commanders. 58:35
Nevertheless, Scipio was given command due to his rank, prestige and, perhaps most of 58:41
all, his name. 58:47
Thanks to Scipio Africanus and Scipio Aemilianus, it was rumoured that no Scipio could be defeated 58:48
in Africa. 58:56
A new Senate had been created in Utica, and a total of 14 Legions mustered, 2 belonging 58:58
to the governor of Africa Publius Attius Varus, 8 newly formed consisting of local conscripts 59:06
as well as veterans who escaped from Iberia and Greece after the defeats at Illerda and 59:13
Pharsalus, and 4 of Juba’s Numidian Legions who were armed and trained in the Roman fashion, 59:19
plus a huge amount of Numidian light infantry and cavalry, and 120 elephants. 59:25
Pompey’s son, Gnaeus, had been sent to Spain to try and capitalise on the pro-Pompeian 59:31
mutiny that had occurred during Longinus’ tenure as governor, and there was rumour that 59:37
the Pompeian faction was planning an invasion of Italy itself. 59:44
Caesar was aware of the threat and had initially planned an invasion from both the West and 59:48
East; Longinus would land his Spanish Legions and attack from the West, while Caesar would 59:54
invade from Italy. 59:59
Longinus’s abysmal administration of his province had scuppered this plan, however. 00:01
Caesar would need to invade himself and without the reinforcements from Spain. 00:07
Caesar’s African War was about to begin. 00:12
As Caesar returned to Italy from Asia Minor, he visited various client kings and rulers 00:17
from in and around Greece, collecting money. 00:23
Caesar had been recruiting massively throughout the Civil War, spending almost all his personal 00:26
money in the process, and the financial situation was dire. 00:32
Even with the money collected from these rulers, he still needed more. 00:36
Upon his arrival in Italy, he borrowed huge sums from individuals and cities alike. 00:41
Caesar likely had no intention of repaying these huge debts, but in his opinion, the 00:47
money was being spent on the public good and so was no different from an official tax or 00:53
levy. 00:59
The money was given, but it cost Caesar popularity. 01:00
Caesar was well aware of this fact, however, and worked hard to keep the people on side. 01:04
Clearly, Caesar was well aware that to win any war, it is vital that the population at 01:10
large is kept on side. 01:15
There was one other major issue that Caesar needed to resolve before he could begin the 01:18
invasion of Africa. 01:22
Four of his veteran Legions left in Campania and picked to be part of the African campaign 01:24
had mutinied a couple of months before Caesar’s arrival in Italy. 01:30
These Legions had been campaigning continuously for 13 years and had been promised payment 01:34
and discharge following the Battle of Pharsalus. 01:40
Caesar’s campaigns in Egypt and the East had delayed this, and with their general gone 01:43
for almost a year, Antony had lost control, the Legions going so far as looting wealthy 01:48
estates around Rome and even killing two Senators who had tried to negotiate with them. 01:54
As a result of his failures as governor, Caesar stripped Antony of his offices, instead assigning 02:00
Lepidus as his Master of Horse and governor of Italy by Lepidus. 02:06
Four veteran Legions presented a very serious threat if they could not be placated; Caesar 02:10
recognised this danger and even garrisoned Rome. 02:15
He was advised not to risk negotiating in person, but Caesar knew that these men were 02:19
some of his best soldiers and would be much needed in the campaigns to come. 02:24
He met them alone at the Campus Martius. 02:29
In reality, the legions were attempting to bluff Caesar, hoping that Caesar would not 02:33
allow them to be discharged and they could then push for more pay. 02:37
Caesar called their bluff and disbanded them on the spot. 02:43
Calling them citizens, rather than soldiers, he promised they would all be paid in full 02:47
and with interest after his conquest of Africa and subsequent triumph with other Legions. 02:52
Caesar continued, allotting the men land from public holdings, as well as from his own. 02:58
Caesar concluded by saying “I really have no further need of you. 03:04
Yet even so I will pay you the rewards, that no one may say that after using you in danger 03:08
I later showed myself ungrateful, even though you were unwilling to join my campaign while 03:14
perfectly strong in body and able to carry through all the wars that remain". 03:19
The legionaries were stunned. 03:25
They considered themselves indispensable to Caesar and were shamed by how readily Caesar 03:27
would use other Legions to finish the war they had helped start, as well as by how generously 03:32
and quickly he would reward them. 03:38
For these men, Caesar was everything. 03:41
They had become wealthy and famous under his leadership; now they had attempted to blackmail 03:43
him, had their bluff called and were being put out to pasture. 03:49
The Legions then asked whether they could volunteer to join Caesar in Africa, but Caesar 03:54
simply turned his back and began to walk away. 03:59
Desperately, the men begged him to stay and re-enlist them. 04:02
Caesar feigned indifference, before agreeing to reinstate all but the 10th Legion. 04:06
This Legion was his favourite, and he made it clear that he was insulted that they in 04:12
particular had joined the mutiny. 04:17
Stung by his words, the 10th requested that Caesar decimate the Legion, killing 1 in every 04:19
10 men, as punishment so that they might be taken back into his favour. 04:26
Again, Caesar feigned indifference, before relenting and accepting the Legion back without 04:30
punishment. 04:36
Caesar did keep a list of the leading figures of the mutiny, and assigned them to other 04:40
Legions in particularly dangerous provinces, but overall it had been a brilliant success; 04:45
all 4 Legions were brought back into the fold without a sesterce being spent, or a drop 04:51
of blood shed. 04:56
It was a prime example of the importance of the persona and personality of Caesar; no 04:58
other man at the time could have spoken to the Legions and reached such a conclusion. 05:04
With the Legions once again under control, Caesar could finally begin his invasion and 05:12
he ordered 10 Legions to gather in Lilybaeum, Sicily, around late December. 05:17
Word had reached Caesar of the rumour that no Scipio could be defeated in Africa, and 05:23
to counter these he quickly found a minor member of the Scipio family to include in 05:29
his officers’ staff; he too now had a Scipio in his army. 05:34
The veteran Legions in Campania were still being organised for the campaign, but 6 Legions 05:39
were ready in Lilybaeum; 5 were relatively recently raised and untested one was Caesar’s 05:45
veteran 5th Legion and some cohorts of the 10th which had been stationed in Brundisium. 05:52
Caesar was eager to sail as soon as possible, but the mutiny had delayed his plans and he 05:57
was now faced with bad weather. 06:02
Never one for waiting he embarked his men and ordered them to Africa at the first sign 06:06
of a lull in the storms. 06:11
Caesar spent two days in Sicily giving instructions for the rest of his army when they arrived 06:13
on the island, before setting sail himself on the 25th December. 06:18
He reached the African coast on the 28th December, landing near Hadrumetum. 06:24
In his eagerness to attack quickly, Caesar had risked the storms, and though most his 06:30
warships had managed to cross safely, many of his transports had been scattered, leaving 06:36
him with just 3,000 infantry and 150 cavalry. 06:41
Hadrumetum itself was under Optimate control, garrisoned by 10,000 Romans and Numidians 06:46
under the command of Gaius Considius Longus and Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. 06:52
Caesar encamped just outside of the city on the coast. 06:58
His men’s morale was low due to the uncoordinated crossing, and they were blaming Caesar because, 07:01
in his haste, he had not issued clear, written and sealed orders to his lieutenants as he 07:07
usually did. 07:13
They were right: Caesar’s obsession with being quick had, this time, backfired. 07:14
Caesar was in a dangerous position. 07:22
If the Optimates sallied out of Hadrumetum or if enemy reinforcements arrived, his small 07:24
force could be caught against the coast. 07:30
Initially, Caesar attempted to negotiate with Considius, but the messenger was killed and 07:32
the message sent, unread, to Scipio. 07:38
He had now spent a day and a night around Hadrumetum and no more of his army had arrived. 07:41
Caesar made some minor probing attacks on the city, but quickly decided he had neither 07:48
the numbers nor amount of veterans needed to storm the city. 07:53
To make matters worse, his scouts also reported that a large force of Numidian cavalry was 07:57
closing in. 08:04
With little choice left, Caesar broke camp and marched away from the city. 08:07
As soon as he did though, the Hadrumetum garrison sallied out, soon being joined by Juba’s 08:13
cavalry which had just arrived. 08:18
They seized the deserted camp, and the Numidian cavalry began harassing Caesar’s men, forcing 08:21
Caesar to halt and form a defensive line. 08:27
Clearly, this had been the Optimate plan from the start; rather than attack Caesar in a 08:30
fortified camp, where he was known to be particularly dangerous, they had waited for a chance to 08:36
catch him in the open. 08:41
Initially, it looked as though Caesar would be surrounded and caught just as Curio had 08:43
been years earlier. 08:48
Unlike Curio, however, Caesar refused to allow his enemy to hold the initiative, ordering 08:50
his small numbers of cavalry to charge the Numidians. 08:55
Caesar was well aware that they did not have the numbers to win such a fight, but he was 09:02
also aware that the Numidians would retreat and skirmish, rather than engage in hand to 09:07
hand fighting. 09:12
It was vital that Caesar keep his men moving, rather than stop and risk becoming surrounded, 09:14
and with his cavalry having repulsed the Numidians for the time being, Caesar seized the opportunity 09:20
ordering his Legions to continue their march with the few veteran cohorts and cavalry at 09:26
the rear. 09:32
His veterans could be counted on to stand their ground against the incoming missile 09:33
fire, while the cavalry would charge and scatter the Numidians. 09:37
Though progress was slow, Caesar was able to continue this fighting withdrawal until 09:42
he reached the safety of the town of Ruspina on the 29th December. 09:48
Disaster had been averted, but Caesar was still in a precarious position. 09:53
He next moved to the town of Leptis on 1st January, where he was joined by some of his 09:59
scattered transports. 10:06
As well as his men being scattered, so too had his supplies. 10:08
He attempted to forage off the land, but patrolling Numidian cavalry would ambush his men, making 10:12
the task almost impossible. 10:19
He sent requests to Sardinia, Sicily and other provinces for more grain and focused on consolidating 10:21
his position. 10:28
He left 6 cohorts in Leptis, 1 Legion in Ruspina, and took 7 cohorts of veterans from the 5th 10:29
and 10th to the harbour, boarding his warships. 10:37
He did not inform any of his men of what his plan was, but his veterans were confident 10:40
that Caesar would have a winning strategy. 10:46
In fact, Caesar’s plan was to set sail with the veterans to find the rest of his scattered 10:48
fleet. 10:54
Caesar had not told his men this, because he was nervous that the garrisons in Ruspina 10:55
or Leptis might be captured and reveal his plans. 11:00
Clearly, Caesar was rattled and being cautious. 11:04
Fortunately, the next day, a large number of the lost transports arrived, bringing much 11:07
needed numbers. 11:13
With this larger force, he could now attempt to forage in security. 11:15
He made camp at Ruspina, and then, on the 4th January, set out with around 15,000 men, 11:19
approximately half his total force, to forage for supplies. 11:26
After marching 3 miles from Ruspina, his scouts brought news that the enemy was close and 11:33
closing in fast. 11:39
Quickly, Caesar ordered his small contingent of cavalry and archers to join him from Ruspina 11:41
while he rode ahead with his bodyguard to confirm the information. 11:46
In the distance he saw a huge dust cloud approaching and ordered his men to prepare for battle. 11:51
In total, he would have 15,000 legionaries, 400 cavalry and 150 archers. 11:56
The Optimate force facing him was significant; 12,000 of mostly light infantry, 8,000 Numidian 12:03
cavalry, and 1,600 heavy cavalry, made from Gallic and Germanic mercenaries, with a smaller 12:14
force of a further 1,600 Numidian cavalry close by to reinforce. 12:21
Perhaps the most dangerous aspect of the Optimate army, however, was its commanders. 12:27
The main force was commanded by Caesar’s once right-hand man, Labienus himself, the 12:33
reinforcements by Petreius. 12:38
Labienus was undoubtedly the best general on the Optimate side and his years of campaigning 12:40
with Caesar had made him familiar with his tactics. 12:46
Petreius was also talented and experienced, having 30 years of military experience, including 12:49
having fought Caesar at Ilerda and Pharsalus. 12:55
This would be a difficult fight. 12:58
Looking to make the most of his large number of cavalry, Labienus deployed his men in a 13:03
long tightly packed line, with infantry interspersed among cavalry in order to hide his numbers. 13:08
On both flanks, he stationed his heavier cavalry. 13:15
Caesar, aware that he could easily be outflanked, stretched his line to have as broad a front, 13:18
putting what missiles he had in front and the small amount of cavalry on the wings. 13:25
He kept his men in position, not wanting to make the initial move. 13:31
With his smaller numbers, and the enemy’s cavalry advantage, he thought it best to be 13:36
defensive. 13:41
Labienus, on the other hand, used his cavalry to quickly seize the nearby highland, at the 13:42
same time forcing Caesar’s cavalry to stretch thin to try and counter any flanking attacks. 13:48
Labienus was well aware of Caesar’s style of battle, which relied upon having room to 13:54
manoeuvre and using terrain advantages and had now denied these to him. 14:00
With these initial moves completed, Labienus began the battle. 14:05
He ordered his men to charge the length of Caesar’s line, Caesar’s legions counter 14:12
charging at the last minute. 14:17
As they did though, the Numidian cavalry fell back, while the infantry hidden among them 14:19
pinned Caesar’s infantry. 14:24
The Numidians then skirmished back and forth, pelting Caesar’s line with javelins. 14:26
His men attempted to charge the cavalry to chase them off, but Caesar gave strict orders 14:31
for his men to hold the line. 14:36
Meanwhile, on the flanks, Caesar’s cavalry, badly outnumbered, had been routed after a 14:39
brief but brave struggle. 14:44
Labienus now had Caesar’s force entirely surrounded. 14:46
At this point, Labienus removed his helmet and rode around the surrounded Caesareans, 14:53
encouraging his men and mocking Caesar’s, attempting to demoralise them. 14:58
He mocked them as being raw recruits, and for being foolhardy for following Caesar and 15:03
being caught in their current predicament. 15:08
A veteran of the 10th Legion from one of the cohorts who had crossed with Caesar, recognised 15:11
Labienus. 15:16
Removing his helmet, he threw his javelin, shouting out that Labienus would know he was 15:17
being attacked by a soldier of the Tenth. 15:23
Labienus’ horse was killed, and Labienus was taken from the battlefield after it fell 15:25
on him. 15:31
Nevertheless, Caesar’s men were still struggling, attacked from all sides and they could do 15:32
little except protect themselves from the hail of missiles from the Numidian troops. 15:37
It was a dire situation and panic was spreading, and an aquilifer even attempted to flee, forcing 15:43
Caesar to grab him, turn him to face the enemy and push him forward to the front. 15:50
The day was coming to an end, and Caesar knew that he needed to reach his defences around 15:57
Ruspina before nightfall or else lose his army. 16:02
He ordered every other cohort to turn around, his line now fighting on two fronts, and gave 16:06
the order for them to throw a hail of pila and charge in both directions. 16:12
It is a testament to the training of the Roman Legions that such a manoeuvre could be organised 16:17
and executed in the midst of battle. 16:22
Taken by surprise by this sudden attack, the Numidian light infantry and cavalry pulled 16:25
back to skirmish and avoid hand-to-hand fighting. 16:30
Caesar seized the opportunity and began withdrawing his force from the battlefield as quickly 16:34
as possible. 16:39
As he did, Petreius arrived with his reinforcements. 16:43
With these fresh troops, the Optimate force pursued Caesar’s men looking to re-engage. 16:47
This time, Caesar took the initiative, ordering his men turn and charge their pursuers. 16:51
Petreius was wounded in the skirmish, while the Numidians once again fell back not wanting 16:57
to be pinned in melee. 17:04
This time, Caesar continued to push them back over the high ground. 17:06
Caesar paused his men here, waiting to see if the enemy would attack now that he had 17:11
the terrain advantage. 17:15
The Optimates were exhausted, had both commanders injured and had inflicted as much damage as 17:17
they could in a day. 17:22
They each withdrew to their camp, Caesar’s men also withdrawing to Ruspina. 17:24
The casualties for both armies are not known, but given the encirclement of the Caesarion 17:31
troops, it is likely that they suffered more than the Optimates. 17:37
Caesar had very nearly lost the entire campaign. 17:41
If Labienus had not been wounded, he may have been able to better control the Optimate army 17:44
and kept the pressure on Caesar, leaving no chance for him to escape. 17:50
But Caesar was saved by his own strategic talent, his men’s training, and luck with 17:55
the wounding of both enemy commanders. 18:01
Nevertheless, Caesar had managed to avoid having his whole army destroyed as had happened 18:04
to Curio. 18:09
He would be able to consolidate, and seek a more favourable engagement later. 18:11
Caesar’s first priority was improving the defences of Ruspina, and creating entrenchments 18:17
from the town to his camp and to the sea. 18:23
In doing so Caesar ensured his communication lines would be kept safe, while also providing 18:27
a safe landing ground for any reinforcements and supplies. 18:33
Caesar had been surprised by Labienus’ tactic of mixing light troops with cavalry and decided 18:37
to mimic it, pulling light marines and Archers of his ships in order to do so. 18:43
Meanwhile, Scipio was en route to unite his force with Labienus and Petreius, bringing 18:49
with him almost all of the Optimate leaders, and the entirety of their army bringing its 18:56
total to more than 60 thousand. 19:02
Such an army would already have been larger than the one Pompey had, and to make matters 19:05
worse for Caesar, there was also a possibility that the king of Numidia Juba, would join 19:09
Scipio with his own force, including its famed elephants. 19:15
With fortifications improved, Caesar turned his attention to the supplies. 19:21
The Optimates had previously stripped the area of corn and most of the local workforce 19:27
was pressed into their army, making the harvest of that year particularly poor. 19:32
Caesar was forced to purchase supplies from wealthy individuals living in the area and 19:37
rationed them out to his army. 19:42
A number of his scattered transports were hunted down by the Optimate navy, and were 19:44
captured or burned. 19:49
Caesar ordered the remainder of his vessels to patrol the harbour of Ruspina, to keep 19:52
the area clear for the anticipated arrival of troops and supplies from Sicily. 19:56
Just when things were starting to look disastrous, Caesar had a stroke of luck. 20:04
The Optimate army under Scipio had paused briefly at Utica where Cato, the figurehead 20:09
and political leader of the faction was based. 20:15
Whilst the army was there Cato began chastising Pompey’s sons for failing to achieve as 20:18
much as their father had by their age. 20:23
Shamed and hoping to prove himself, Gnaeus took 2000 slaves and freedmen and attacked 20:26
the nearby kingdom of West Mauretania, ruled by King Bogud. 20:32
The Mauritanians lured Gnaeus close to the town of Ascurum, before sallying out and quickly 20:36
defeating the small force. 20:42
Humiliated, Gnaeus withdrew to the Balearic Islands, but his actions had far reaching 20:44
consequences. 20:49
Having left a sizable garrison at Utica, Scipio now marched to Labienus and Petreius uniting 20:53
the two armies and establishing camp 5 kilometers from Caesar's position. 20:59
They immediately begin using their large cavalry forces to keep Caesar within his fortifications, 21:04
making his supply situation even worse. 21:10
Juba began marching to his allies hoping to assist in a quick and definitive win over 21:14
Caesar but Gnaeus’ actions now showed their consequence. 21:21
The King of East Mauritania Bocchus heard of Juba’s departure and invaded Numidia 21:25
to avenge the Optimate attack on his brother Bogud. 21:31
Commanding the Mauritanian armies was Publius Sittius, who had been operating in Africa 21:35
as a mercenary since the Cataline Conspiracy. 21:39
He successfully captured the Numidian city of Cirta, and then proceeded to pillage and 21:42
sack the surrounding area. 21:47
By this point Juba had almost reached Scipio, but upon hearing the news pulled back to defend 21:50
Numidia. 21:55
Meanwhile, some of the local citizens had begun sending messages to Caesar complaining 21:58
of the harsh rule of the Optimates. 22:04
Some towns even requested garrisons, pledging to feed and house them in return, an offer 22:07
Caesar gladly accepted sending 3 cohorts, in order to improve his supply situation. 22:12
Initially Caesar planned to wait for better weather to ensure his troops would make the 22:18
crossing from Sicily safely, but now he ordered that they be sent no matter the conditions, 22:23
showing how desperate he was. 22:29
Scipio was not idle while all this was going on. 22:32
Labienus, in command of the majority of the Optimate cavalry, kept up a relentless harassment 22:37
campaign, fighting a number of skirmishes with Caesar’s cavalry that ventured out 22:42
to patrol. 22:47
Labienus kept searching for ways of keeping Caesar’s forces occupied, including attacking 22:48
the towns of Leptis and Acylla, but he was repelled by Caesar’s cohorts now garrisoned 22:54
there. 22:59
Nevertheless, these attacks were effective at keeping the pressure on Caesar. 23:00
Similarly, Scipio would march his army out of camp every day and draw them into battle 23:05
formation, including the elephants, hoping to intimidate the recruits in Caesar’s army. 23:10
Caesar made a show of indifference, keeping his men at work on their fortifications, but 23:16
he never drew up his own army for battle. 23:21
He knew that for any chance of victory, he would need more men, particularly more veterans. 23:23
His best play was to keep his men behind their fortifications of trenches and palisades and 23:30
bide his time. 23:36
His patience paid off. 23:40
Sallust had arrived in Cercina, the site of a large Optimate grain supply which was poorly 23:42
defended. 23:48
He easily chased off the garrison and immediately sent the supplies to Caesar. 23:49
Simultaneously, two experienced legions - 13th and 14th were finally dispatched from Lilybaeum. 23:54
Good luck with the weather and Caesar’s patrolling fleet allowed the legions and supplies 24:00
to arrive at Ruspina with relative ease. 24:06
Soon after, Scipio sent two Gaetulian spies into Caesar’s camp to assess the new situation. 24:09
However, the Gaetuli who had greatly benefited from the actions of Caesar’s uncle in law 24:16
Gaius Marius, during and after the Jugurthine War, immediately defected to Caesar. 24:21
They informed him of Scipio’s numbers and the morale of his men and, in particular, 24:27
that the Optimate 4th and 6th Legions were wavering and eager to join Caesar. 24:32
Though Scipio and Labienus had done well to keep up the pressure, they had delayed too 24:37
long and lost the initiative: Caesar now had the men and supplies he needed to go on the 24:43
offensive and wanted to force a battle with Scipio before the Numidian army would return. 24:49
On the 25th January, he sent the transports back to Sicily to get the rest of his army, 24:56
and then marched his full force out of camp. 25:03
His first objective was to take and fortify the semi-circle ridge of hills that surrounded 25:07
the town. 25:12
Looking to use similar tactics to those at Dyrrachium, Caesar quickly seized as many 25:14
of these hills as he could, ordering fortifications to be built to create a line of palisades 25:19
across the tops of the hills. 25:24
Hoping to force Caesar back to his original position, Scipio marched his full army out 25:27
of camp with Labienus in command of the vast cavalry force, drawing up for battle. 25:32
Caesar initially thought this was a bluff, but when the enemy approached in formation 25:38
he drew his Legions up on the hills for battle, sending a small detachment of Spanish auxiliaries 25:43
to seize the one hill still held by Scipio. 25:48
The Numidians holding the position there were quickly chased away, and Labienus led the 25:52
majority of his right wing of cavalry to cover their retreat. 25:57
Caesar noticed that Labienus had moved too far from the main Optimate battle line, and 26:02
sent his own left wing of cavalry to charge through the hole, before turning back to attack 26:07
Labienus from the rear. 26:11
A large estate prevented Labienus from seeing this movement until the enemy cavalry was 26:13
already behind him. 26:19
With the cavalry pushing from his rear, and the Spanish auxiliaries attacking from the 26:21
front, Labienus was caught in a pincer and ordered a withdrawal. 26:26
He and the fast Numidian horsemen were able to extract themselves, but his Gallic and 26:29
Germanic cavalry was slower. 26:34
It was surrounded and, despite brave resistance, cut down to a man. 26:36
Seeing that his right flank was in shambles, Scipio quickly ordered a retreat and pulled 26:42
back to his camp. 26:47
Feeling robbed, Caesar did the same. 26:49
However, soon he tried to force a battle again, this time marching his army towards the town 26:52
of Uzitta, a major water source for Scipio, which was located just outside the Optimate 26:59
camp. 27:05
Scipio marched his army out of camp, positioning them on either side of the town in a strong 27:06
defensive position. 27:11
Eagerly, Caesar again drew his men up for battle, but was reluctant to attack Scipio 27:13
in such a strong location. 27:18
For the remainder of the day the armies stood opposite each other, until Caesar ordered 27:21
a retreat. 27:26
Frustrated once more, Caesar returned to his camp and continued to further fortify his 27:28
position on the ridge. 27:33
Scipio had been delaying for a good reason. 27:37
Immediately after the cavalry skirmish where the Gallic and Germanic cavalry had been lost, 27:40
he had sent word to Juba demanding his help. 27:45
Juba, who owed his kingdom to Pompey, obliged. 27:48
He left his general Saburra, the victor of Bagradas, to fight Sittius, and marched to 27:51
Scipio with 3 Numidian Legions trained in the Roman style, 800 heavy cavalry, more light 27:57
infantry and cavalry and 30 more elephants. 28:04
The Optimates now had 8 Roman and 3 Numidian legions, approximately 55,000 men, almost 28:09
16,000 cavalry, 60 elephants, and perhaps as many as 20,000 light infantry; a total 28:16
of around 90,000 men, truly a colossal force. 28:22
It was now Scipio's turn to go on the offensive. 28:26
His fleet had been hunting down any of Caesar ships that had been blown astray in the crossing 28:31
from Sicily, and the prisoners were brought to him. 28:36
He now displayed a number of captured veterans of the 14th outside his camp, and had them 28:39
tortured to death there and their bodies left outside. 28:45
He also once again began drawing his army out of camp every day to further intimidate 28:49
Caesar and his men. 28:54
These actions had the opposite effect, however. 28:56
The execution of his men enraged Caesar and he was also encouraged by Juba’s numbers 28:59
– they weren’t as significant as he feared, which meant that Sittius was distracting much 29:04
of the Numidian force, and confirmed that Scipio had no more aces left up his sleeve. 29:09
Following this, a deadlock emerged. 29:18
Both sides regularly drew up for battle but no serious engagement was fought, neither 29:20
wanting to be the one to attack a fortified opponent. 29:26
A number of cavalry skirmishes were fought, with neither side able to gain a significant 29:29
advantage over the other. 29:35
Two more veteran legions, the 10th and 9th, arrived and Caesar attempted to use them to 29:37
break the stalemate, constructing two long entrenchments from his camp to Utizza, despite 29:43
the constant harassment from Labienus’ cavalry. 29:48
A new camp was made at the end of these entrenchments, where siege weapons such as scorpions and 29:51
catapults were constructed and began bombarding Utizza. 29:57
Caesar’s constant pressure and the close proximity of his new camp to that of Scipio’s 30:01
encouraged some of the Optimate troops, mainly Gaetulians, but also a number of men from 30:08
the 4th and 6th Legions to change sides. 30:12
Scipio couldn’t allow this to go on and, once again, ordered his army to get into battle 30:16
formation. 30:20
Caesar did the same, but broken ground in front of Scipio’s army dissuaded him from 30:22
attacking, despite the two armies now being less than 200 metres apart. 30:27
After squaring off for half a day, Caesar withdrew back into camp. 30:33
That is when Labienus launched an attack on Caesar’s retreating cavalry and light infantry. 30:38
The Legions were close enough to prevent a complete disaster, but the attack gave Caesar 30:43
food for thought: it was only a matter of time before Labienus was able to strike a 30:48
deadly blow with his superior cavalry numbers. 30:53
Soon word was sent that the last two Legions Caesar pegged for this campaign - the 7th 31:00
and 8th, were en route from Sicily. 31:04
He also heard from some deserters that Varus, who had been stationed at Utica with the Optimate 31:07
fleet, planned to attack them on the crossing. 31:13
Immediately, Caesar rode to Leptis himself, took command of his fleet and surprised Varus. 31:16
The optimate fleet was chased away and the Caesarean Legions were guided to land safely. 31:23
Caesar now felt comfortable enough to send 2 Legions out of his fortifications to find 31:29
supplies in the nearby estates. 31:34
At this point, Optimate deserters informed Caesar of an ambush planned by Labienus and 31:36
Caesar managed to surprise his old ally, killing 500 light infantrymen and routing the Numidian 31:42
cavalry. 31:48
Unfortunately for Caesar, his Legions were unsuccessful in their foraging, making it 31:50
clear that he needed to move his entire army to find food. 31:55
Caesar left a garrison in Ruspina, burnt his camp, and marched out with his full force. 32:01
He foraged the area around Aggar and Zeta, constantly shadowed by Scipio’s army. 32:07
After foraging around Zeta, Caesar began retreating to his camp roughly 23 kilometers away, but 32:13
was once again attacked by Labienus and his Numidian cavalry and light infantry. 32:20
This time, Labienus kept up the attack, retreating when Caesar’s men turned to confront him, 32:25
and then continuing the harassment as soon as they began marching again. 32:31
Caesar’s cavalry took the brunt of these attacks, and he was eventually forced to pull 32:35
them from the rear and use his Legions to fend off the Numidians. 32:40
His heavy infantry took less damage than his cavalry, but his army was now moving incredibly 32:44
slowly, only managing to cover 300 meters in 4 hours. 32:49
Night finally set in and Labienus withdrew his troops, but he had been successful in 32:54
doing significant damage to Caesar’s already much smaller cavalry force. 33:00
Impressed by how effective Numidian light cavalry and light infantry had been against 33:08
him, Caesar began drilling his men in tactics to combat them, such as how far to retreat 33:12
from them and when they should turn and throw javelins. 33:18
He was soon met by the last Sicilian reinforcements, bringing his force to Legions, 5 newly raised 33:21
and 7 veteran, roughly 3,000-5,000 cavalry and an unknown number of light infantry. 33:28
Caesar veteran Legions had taken casualties, some might even be only at half strength, 33:35
and so establishing the size of Caesar’s army is difficult, but a number of around 33:41
60,000-70,000 seems reasonable. 33:46
Though outnumbered overall, Caesar had more veterans than Scipio, as the optimate army 33:49
was largely made of fresh recruits and conscripts. 33:55
Caesar also brought elephants from Italy. 33:59
Although useless in battle and intended for the Roman games they allowed Caesar to train 34:02
his troops: his men were taught where the elephants were vulnerable even in armour and 34:07
his cavalry practiced throwing dummy javelins at them, familiarising the horses with the 34:12
elephant smell and sound. 34:17
It is a testament to Caesar’s generalship, that even on a campaign, he still took the 34:19
time to train his troops to address new threats. 34:23
The stalemate continued: Caesar was moving from town to town looking for supplies with 34:29
Scipio shadowing him. 34:35
Labienus attempted to keep up his skirmishing campaign while Caesar marched, but Caesar’s 34:37
training had paid off. 34:42
300 men from each Legion were assigned to not carry any baggage and instead act as a 34:44
quick response rear guard, fending off all of Labienus harassing attacks. 34:49
Finally, Caesar had enough. 34:54
Time and time again he had formed up his army for battle, only for Scipio to decline. 34:56
The towns in the area that he raided were not important enough to force a reaction, 35:02
and Labienus’ attacks remained a constant source of frustration. 35:07
Caesar needed to be able to force Scipio into a situation where he had no choice but to 35:12
fight, so on April 4, Caesar abandoned his camp at night and moved to Thapsus. 35:17
Thapsus was a major city in the area, holding a large port, supplies and arms and armour; 35:24
it was a target that Scipio would not be able to ignore a threat to. 35:32
Caesar, having marched through the night, soon arrived at the city, immediately besieging 35:36
it, and fortifying his own position against a possible Optimate attack. 35:41
Outside of the city of Thapsus was the Marsh of Moknine, which effectively forced any approaching 35:46
army to take one of two narrow passes; hugging either the northern or eastern coast. 35:52
Caesar had chosen his target well. 35:58
He established two forts, one in the Eastern passage which was garrisoned by 3 cohorts, 36:01
which effectively blocked that pass, and one surrounding the city of Thapsus. 36:07
His strategy was to force Scipio to take the northern passage, meaning Scipio would be 36:11
forced to attack him from only one direction. 36:17
Scipio soon arrived on the scene. 36:21
He initially intended to take the eastern passage, but seeing Caesar’s fort abandoned 36:24
this idea. 36:29
Leaving a small force under Afranius opposite Caesar’s fort, he ordered Juba, Labienus 36:31
and the Numidian cavalry to encamp in a separate camp nearby. 36:36
He then commanded a forced march around the west of the Marsh to the northern pass with 36:41
the rest. 36:46
It seems that Scipio’s strategy was to try and catch Caesar in a pincer, hoping to eventually 36:47
make a simultaneous push on his position through both passages. 36:52
Quickly, Scipio ordered part of his men to begin construction of a second camp, while 36:56
the rest of his army drew up for battle in front of them, with the elephants on either 37:02
flank in front of his cavalry. 37:06
Caesar could not believe his luck. 37:09
Scipio had taken the bait and was now offering battle under terrible conditions; his men 37:11
were already fatigued by the long march, part of his army was building a camp, and a significant 37:17
portion of his army, including most of the Numidian cavalry, was too far away. 37:23
Leaving two of the rookie Legions encamped around Thapsus, Caesar eagerly formed up the 37:28
rest for battle. 37:33
He deployed his army in the classic 3 lines. 37:36
The 10th and 7th Legions were stationed on the right, the 8th and 9th on the left. 37:40
The centre was likely held by two of the other veteran Legions, the 13th and 14th, with a 37:46
recruit legion on either side of them; mixing recruit and veteran Legions this was a favoured 37:51
strategy of Caesar’s. 37:58
His last Legion, the 5th, was split into two and stationed behind each flank, acting as 38:00
a fourth line. 38:05
Their role was specifically to handle the elephants; in case of a charge from them, 38:06
the front lines would part and it would be up to the 5th to kill them. 38:12
Archers, slingers, and light infantry mixed with cavalry held his extreme flanks. 38:16
Caesar and his men noticed a lot of movement and jostling in Scipio’s line as men moved 38:24
to and from the camp. 38:29
His veterans, many of whom were already supposed to be retired and who had spent the last couple 38:31
of months frustrated by the lack of a decisive battle, urged Caesar to attack. 38:36
Caesar was hesitant, perhaps thinking that it must surely be a trap. 38:42
It is also worth noting at this point that Plutarch claims that Caesar had an epileptic 38:46
fit before the battle, which perhaps was the reason for the delay. 38:51
His veterans, however, had had enough. 38:56
A trumpeter of the 10th or 7th, without Caesar’s orders, sounded the charge, and Caesar’s 38:59
right flank surged forward. 39:04
Realising that there would be no way of restraining his men, Caesar decided that he must fully 39:07
commit and rode ahead to the 10th and 7th to take personal command of them. 39:12
He ordered the slingers and archers on the right to target Scipio’s elephants opposite 39:17
them, panicking the beasts and sending them rampaging into their own lines. 39:22
At the same time, the elephants on Scipio’s right charged Caesar’s left, but his Legions 39:26
quickly parted as they were trained to, the cohorts of the 5th Legion taking the brunt 39:32
of their charge. 39:36
They fought bravely, using spears to jab at the vulnerable and sensitive points on the 39:38
elephants, blasting trumpets loudly to further frighten them. 39:43
The elephants were soon panicked, and turned to run back to Scipio’s army. 39:47
Scipio’s line was now being charged by his own elephants, with Caesar’s Legions following 39:53
close behind. 39:59
Panic had set in almost immediately. 40:00
The left, fighting Caesar’s 10th and 7th, was the first to break, the entire line following 40:03
shortly after. 40:08
Some tried to fight, but most were stampeding towards the camp that was still being built. 40:10
Caesar now had all the momentum, and his men easily cut down the fleeing and disorganised 40:16
Optimate forces, as well as those who were constructing the camp. 40:21
The garrison at Thapsus attempted to sally out to distract Caesar’s army, but the two 40:25
Legions left in the camp easily repelled it. 40:30
These Legions then marched down the eastern corridor to the camps of Afranius and Juba. 40:34
In a full-scale rout, Scipio’s men fled around the western edge of the marsh, desperately 40:39
trying to reach these camps, with Caesar’s men in hot pursuit. 40:44
It was a disaster for the Optimates. 40:48
When Scipio’s men reached the forts, they found Afranius’ camp already overrun, and 40:51
Juba’s being assaulted by Caesar’s two other Legions. 40:56
The Numidian king, seeing Caesar’s main force now approaching, gave up the fight and 41:01
retreated with Labienus, Petreius and what cavalry he had left. 41:06
Caesar’s force stormed his camp, easily taking it. 41:10
With no other options left, the remainder of the optimate army surrendered. 41:14
Caesar’s men massacred many; Dio blames this on Caesar, however, most sources say 41:15
Caesar ordered the men be spared, but that his battle frenzied soldiers disobeyed. 41:20
It seems likely that Caesar did not order the massacre; a master propagandist Caesar 41:26
knew the power of mercy and was renowned, even in his time, for sparing the vast majority 41:33
of his Roman enemies. 41:39
The battle was over. 41:41
Some sources suggest the Optimates lost 10,000, others suggest as many as 50,000, while Caesar’s 41:43
losses were as little as 50 or as many as 1,000. 41:50
It was a decisive victory for Caesar. 41:54
Following the battle, the Optimate leadership was scattered. 42:00
Labienus, Varus and Pompey’s son Sextus had managed to escape and would eventually 42:03
make it to Spain, where they would continue to resist Caesar. 42:09
Afranius along with Faustus Cornelius Sulla, collected the survivors and began pillaging 42:13
Mauritania, planning to gather enough supplies to then also cross to Spain. 42:18
However, they were caught by Sittius and then killed. 42:23
Petreius and Juba fled to Numidia, confident they would find support there. 42:27
Sittius had been successful in defeating and killing Juba’s general Saburra however, 42:32
and the Numidians now turned on their king, barring their gates to him. 42:38
With no options left, the two men decided to commit suicide. 42:42
They had a final dinner and settled on duelling each other, so that at least one of them may 42:47
die honourably in battle. 42:52
Juba won the duel, killing Petreius, and then had one of his slaves kill him. 42:53
As for Scipio, he too hoped to retreat to Spain. 43:00
Gathering a few supporters and a small fleet, he set sail, but was caught in a storm and 43:05
forced to make port at Hippo. 43:10
Caesar’s fleet, commanded by Sittius found him and a minor naval battle was fought. 43:12
When defeat here was inevitable, Scipio killed himself; the last Scipio of any real historical 43:18
note. 43:24
The only Optimate leader left in Africa was Cato in Utica. 43:28
As Caesar’s army closed in, he made his final preparations. 43:33
He held a feast with his friends and then retired to his bedroom, leaving his children 43:37
in the care of Lucius Caesar, a distant cousin of Caesar’s, though a supporter of Pompey, 43:42
telling his son “I who have been brought up in freedom, with the right of free speech, 43:47
cannot in my old age change and learn slavery instead”. 43:53
He then read Plato’s Phaedra, and after finishing it, stabbed himself in the stomach. 43:57
In death, Cato did rob Caesar of what would have been one of his greatest triumphs, that 44:02
of being able to claim that he spared the life of his greatest enemy. 44:08
Caesar was extremely frustrated by Cato’s suicide apparently saying, “Cato, I begrudge 44:13
thee thy death, for thou didst begrudge me the preservation of thy life”. 44:19
Caesar spent some time in Africa, fining those who had funded the Optimate war effort, before 44:27
finally returning to Rome, victorious. 44:32
He retired many of his oldest veterans in a generous fashion, and held 4 triumphs, one 44:35
for Gaul, Egypt, Asia and Africa. 44:41
Having defeated Cato, his position was now supreme. 44:45
He was assigned incredible powers by the senate, including Censorial powers for 3 years, and 44:48
dictatorial powers for 10, a wholly unprecedented level of power. 44:55
For all intents and purposes, Caesar was now the sole ruler of the Roman Republic. 44:59
However, though he had now twice won the Civil War, once at Pharsalus and once at Thapsus, 45:05
the war was not over. 45:12
The sons of Pompey, Varus and Labienus still resisted him in Spain. 45:14
The political heart of the Optimate faction, Cato, was dead. 45:22
Cicero, his natural heir as political head of the faction, had resigned himself to being 45:26
a part of the new order, rather than fighting against it, hoping that he would be able to 45:32
persuade Caesar to restore the Republic. 45:36
Many other Optimate Senators had similarly resigned themselves to working with Caesar, 45:40
in part because many of them had been captured and then spared by him. 45:45
The extent to which Caesar had won politically can be seen in the powers bestowed on him 45:50
in the immediate aftermath of Thapsus. 45:55
He was made Dictator for the third time, for a wholly unprecedented 10 years, made Prefect 45:59
of Morals and the Forum of Caesar was completed and dedicated to him in recognition of his 46:05
achievements. 46:11
Caesar was, for all practical purposes, the master of Rome. 46:12
However, some of the Optimates still resisted. 46:17
Gnaeus and Sextus Pompey had fled from Africa and arrived in Baetica. 46:21
With them went survivors of Thapsus, including two of Caesar’s most active and determined 46:27
opponents Titus Labienus and Attius Varus. 46:33
Baetica had been chosen deliberately, as Pompey Magnus had been governor of the province in 46:37
the 50s BC and people in the area still respected him, including legionaries who fought against 46:42
Caesar during the Spanish campaign of 49 BC. 46:48
His sons found plenty of support and managed to amass one Legion from survivors of Thapsus. 46:52
Shortly after their arrival, 2 Legions under Trebonius’ command had sided with the brothers 46:59
and they had managed to levy one more from sympathetic Roman citizens in the area, many 47:05
of whom had previously served under Pompey’s command. 47:11
Additionally, the brothers made alliances with some Lusitanian tribes, and had drawn 47:15
a number of deserters and others to their banners. 47:20
Caesar claimed that they had 70,000, but he was probably counting garrisons and other 47:23
supporters in that number. 47:29
These events had happened in the summer of 46BC. 47:33
Caesar was, at the time, occupied in Rome with assigning magistrates, retiring many 47:38
of his longest-serving veterans, holding games and triumphs, and beginning the reordering 47:43
of the calendar. 47:48
As a result, he had assigned Quintus Pedius and Quintus Fabius Maximus, along with 4 Legions 47:50
already in the Hispanic provinces to handle the situation. 47:56
As the months went on however, Caesar heard of the growing success of the Optimates and 48:01
realised that he would, once again, have to handle the matter personally. 48:06
He gathered 4 more Legions, his favourite 10th, the veteran 5th and 6th, and the relatively 48:11
new 3rd, and marched to Baetica, arriving in the area by the end of the year. 48:17
By that point Sextus Pompey had already taken the main city in the area Corduba, and was 48:25
holding it with a strong garrison, while Gnaeus was in command of the army alongside Labienus. 48:31
Together, they had laid siege to Ulia, one of the few cities in the area that had not 48:37
pledged allegiance to them. 48:43
Caesar got to work immediately. 48:45
Lucius Vibius Paciaecus, one of Caesar’s officers who was known to the Ulians and knew 48:48
the area well, was sent with 6 cohorts and cavalry to the city, while Caesar began to 48:52
march on Corduba, hoping to draw Gnaeus from Ulia, which was his favoured tactic. 48:58
Paciaecus approached Ulia during the night, and a huge storm swept in. 49:05
Seizing his opportunity, Paciaecus calmly marched his men through Gnaeus’ lines. 49:09
The sentries, unable to clearly distinguish any of the legionary symbols of Caesar’s 49:15
men in the dark and through the torrential downpour, simply let them past, allowing Caesar’s 49:20
lieutenant to slip into the town and preparing his men to defend it. 49:26
Meanwhile, as Caesar was approaching Corduba he sent a detachment of cavalry and mounted 49:31
legionaries as a scouting party ahead of his main force. 49:38
They soon ran into a cavalry unit sent out by Sextus. 49:41
The two forces clashed, Caesar’s legionaries quickly dismounting to fight on foot. 49:46
Not prepared for fighting heavy infantry, the Pompeians took heavy casualties before 49:51
breaking and fleeing back to Corduba with the news that Caesar was near. 49:56
Urgently, Sextus sent messages to his brother requesting reinforcements. 50:01
Gnaeus quickly agreed, abandoning the siege of Ulia and marching to Sextus’ aid. 50:06
Caesar approached Corduba from the south. 50:15
It seems that Sextus had either blocked or destroyed the bridge from Corduba that crossed 50:17
the Baetis, forcing Caesar to create a makeshift one by lowering baskets piled with stones 50:22
and then laying planks across them. 50:28
Afterwards, he made camp outside Corduba. 50:30
Gnaeus soon arrived, encamping opposite, and Caesar immediately began erecting a line of 50:34
palisades from his camp to the bridge, cutting Gnaeus off from the city. 50:39
Similarly, Gnaeus began creating defences from his camp to the bridge, hoping to cut 50:44
off Caesar’s escape. 50:49
Fierce skirmishes were fought on the bridge itself, each side trying to force the other 50:51
to concede control of it. 50:56
The narrowness of the bridge made the fighting particularly brutal and many were either thrown 50:58
into the river during the fighting, or were killed and their bodies left piled on the 51:03
bridge. 51:08
Caesar was hoping for a quick and decisive battle, and this was clearly not going to 51:12
be that. 51:17
Accordingly, one night he lit a large number of campfires to give the impression his camp 51:18
was still garrisoned, and then slipped out of the fort. 51:23
He carried out a risky, river crossing during the night, slipping away from the brothers 51:27
and making for the town of Ategua, which had the strongest Pompeian garrison in the area. 51:31
The next morning, Gnaeus realised what had happened and Labienus pursued with his cavalry, 51:37
capturing a number of Caesar’s supply wagons, but withdrawing before they could be caught 51:43
and pinned. 51:48
Caesar, reaching Ategua, began besieging the city, encamping nearby. 51:49
The terrain around the city was extremely hilly. 51:55
Many of these had watchtowers already built on them and, as he had done at Ruspina, Caesar 51:59
quickly assigned pickets to them. 52:04
When Gnaeus and Labienus approached, they did so under heavy fog and using it, they 52:08
were able to surround and slaughter a number of Caesar’s pickets, with only some horsemen 52:13
escaping to give Caesar news of their approach. 52:18
Nevertheless, when the fog lifted it became clear that Caesar’s men had already claimed 52:22
most of the strategically important high ground in the area. 52:27
With little choice, Gnaeus was forced to make camp on high ground between Ategua and Ucubi. 52:32
Though he could still see Ategua, he was not close enough to attack Caesar. 52:38
The Optimates soon noticed that one of the hills to the south of the town, known as the 52:45
Camp of Postumius, was in an ideal location. 52:50
A river cutting between it and Caesar’s camp would make it difficult for Caesar to 52:53
reinforce. 52:59
Furthermore, it was close enough to Caesar to apply pressure and overlooked his supply 53:00
and communication lines. 53:05
Caesar and Labienus had used this same tactic a number of times in the Gallic Wars, most 53:08
notably at Gergovia. and Labienus sent a detachment in the night to seize it. 53:13
The Caesareans, however, were alert, and immediately raised the alarm upon the attack, resisting 53:18
fiercely. 53:24
Caesar sent the 5th, 6th and 10th legions to reinforce them. 53:26
With their countless experiences of river crossings, the Legions were able to quickly 53:30
ford the river and come to their allies, forcing the Pompeian detachment to retreat to their 53:35
camp. 53:42
The following day, a reinforcing detachment of cavalry and allied kings arrived to join 53:44
Caesar, King of West Mauritania Bogud among them. 53:50
Gnaeus and Labienus now decided to abandon their position, marching further West to the 53:54
banks of the River Salsum. 54:00
Though they would be even less able to pressure Caesar from here, winter was beginning to 54:02
set in and this new position would make it easier to be supplied from Corduba. 54:07
Caesar, on the other hand, would be forced to winter around Ategua. 54:13
A stalemate emerged as Gnaeus and Labienus fortified their camp along the Salsum, while 54:20
Caesar simultaneously harassed supplies being sent to them from Corduba, and carried out 54:26
several unsuccessful attacks on Ategua. 54:32
This situation greatly benefited the Pompeians. 54:34
With the locals on their side, it was in their best interest to stall Caesar as long as possible 54:38
and hope to drain his supplies throughout the winter. 54:45
Caesar, usually known for his clemency, was notably unmerciful during this period, as 54:48
several prisoners were executed and captured couriers from Corduba had their hands cut 54:55
off. 55:00
Gnaeus and Labienus kept Caesar under pressure, attacking his pickets surrounding and killing 55:02
many, forcing Caesar to send more men to dissuade any other attacks. 55:07
They also continuously attacked Caesar’s cavalry that ventured out to scout and forage. 55:12
Once again, Caesar had his back against the wall. 55:18
In early 45 BC, the pro-Caesarean faction in Ategua sent envoys to Caesar, offering 55:24
to surrender if he agreed to remove the Pompeian garrison, and not garrison the city himself. 55:31
Caesar refused, and the envoys returned to Ategua. 55:38
The Pompeian garrison soon found out about this and rounded up the men responsible and 55:42
murdering them. 55:47
This would prove to be a disastrous decision for the Pompeians. 55:48
Neither Gnaeus or Labienus had ordered this massacre; they were outraged, as this could 55:52
have cost them the support of the people. 55:58
Looking to salvage what they could from the situation, they snuck a messenger into Ategua 56:01
telling the garrison to sally out that night and force a way through Caesar’s lines to 56:07
their camp. 56:12
The plan went into effect that night, the garrison rushing out and trying to fight through 56:13
Caesar’s lines. 56:18
Caesar’s men, however, easily beat them back. 56:19
Gnaeus and Labienus kept their men in battle formation across the River Salsum. 56:23
In reality, it seems that neither particularly wanted to help the garrison, as following 56:28
the massacre, Gnaeus and Labienus were not willing to risk their men’s lives in order 56:34
to save the garrison. 56:39
The Optimates retreated the following night, abandoning Ategua. 56:41
Soon after, envoys from both the garrison and townsfolk came to Caesar offering their 56:45
surrender. 56:51
Caesar accepted, taking the city on the 19th February. 56:52
Following this action, both sides began focusing on gaining popular support for their cause. 56:58
Caesar sent messengers to other towns in the area, like Ursao and Ucubi, telling them of 57:05
the massacre of the Ateguans. 57:10
Support for the Pompeians began to waiver, some deserting to Caesar and the Pompeians 57:13
were forced to take more drastic actions, executing the political leaders of the pro-Caesarean 57:18
faction in these cities. 57:23
It was now Caesar’s turn to apply pressure. 57:26
He first moved his camp near Gnaeus’ on the River Salsum, beginning to fortify the 57:29
area. 57:34
Gnaeus attacked quickly, however, throwing the men working on Caesar’s defences into 57:35
disarray. 57:40
Two centurions of the 5th bravely pushed forward, both dying in brutal fighting, but their sacrifice 57:41
inspired their cohorts to follow and stabilised the line. 57:49
Nevertheless, Caesar had gotten the worst of the fighting, and he relocated to Soricaria, 57:53
establishing a fort there that cut Gnaeus and Labienus off from Aspavia, an important 57:58
town for supplies. 58:04
Gnaeus gave chase, keeping his men on the high ground, but some clever maneuvering and 58:06
prediction from Caesar led Gnaeus’ men to being caught out of position and taking heavy 58:12
casualties. 58:17
Both sides had now had some minor successes, but neither was close to the decisive victory. 58:20
Gnaeus delaying campaign had been effective at first, but the loss of Ategua and the skirmish 58:28
at Soricaria had cost him a lot of support. 58:34
Caesar, meanwhile, needed to bring the Civil War to a conclusive end: the resistance of 58:37
the sons of the Pompey, Labienus and Varus was undermining his position politically. 58:43
Both needed a quick victory. 58:48
The older generals, including Labienus, urged Gnaeus to avoid battle and continue his delaying 58:51
campaign, but the latter’s mind was made up. 58:57
He broke camp at Soricaria and making for the town of Munda. 59:01
Caesar followed. 59:05
On the 17th March, both drew up for battle. 59:09
Gnaeus and Labienus had chosen a strong position. 59:13
The town of Munda was on high ground, and they drew up their army in front of the town 59:16
on the hill. 59:21
At the base of the hill was a plain, approximately 5 miles wide, with a stream cutting across 59:23
the middle of it. 59:29
Though Caesar says they had 13 Legions, this is questioned by other sources some putting 59:30
the number lower than 40,000. 59:36
It is possible that the sources are somewhat muddled, and that Gnaeus’ full force was 59:39
around 70,000 including auxiliaries and allies, of which around 30-40,000 were legionaries. 59:44
Caesar was encamped opposite the Pompeians on the other side of the plain with his army. 59:53
With him were 8 Legions, 3 of whom had fought with him since the Gallic Wars, the 5th, 6th 59:57
and 10th and 8,000 horsemen, including some excellent light cavalry brought by Bogud. 00:04
Caesar gives his own numbers as 40,000, but in reality, his army numbered around 50-60,000 00:11
men. 00:19
Caesar made the first move, marching his army out of camp and onto the plain, confident 00:21
that the Pompeians would come down from the hill and fight on the plain so their cavalry 00:26
on the flanks would have room to move. 00:31
The Pompeians held their position. 00:34
Caesar advanced further, to the banks of the stream. 00:37
Again, the Pompeians did not move. 00:40
Caesar crossed the stream, and still the Pompeians did not move. 00:43
Gnaeus and Labienus knew the strength of their position and would force Caesar to fight on 00:48
their terms. 00:53
Having finally brought his enemy to the field and not wanting to risk missing the chance 00:54
for a final victory, Caesar moved to the base of the hill, drawing up his force with the 00:59
10th in the position of honour on the right, the 6th in the centre and the 3rd and 5th 01:05
on the left, the rookie Legions interspersed between the veterans and behind, and his cavalry 01:11
on the flanks. 01:17
With little room for any elaborate maneuvers, Caesar ordered his infantry to attack the 01:18
Pompeians head-on. 01:24
The fighting was brutal, Caesar’s men having the benefit of experience, Gnaeus and Labienus’ 01:25
men having the terrain advantage and being driven by the strongest motivator; desperate 01:34
survival. 01:40
Neither side was making progress. 01:41
The generals and staff officers of both armies had started the battle on horseback, Caesar 01:44
riding through his lines, urging his men on. 01:50
As the brutal fighting continued Caesar grabbed a shield from one of his soldiers, saying 01:53
to the other officers “This will be the end of my life, and your military service” 01:58
and pushed his way through to the front lines, almost immediately taking a hail of javelins 02:03
on his shield. 02:08
His other officers and legates, also quickly dismounted and joined him, fighting alongside 02:10
him. 02:15
Gnaeus, Labienus and Varus had also dismounted and were fighting amongst their men in the 02:16
carnage; it was some of the most brutal fighting seen in the Civil War. 02:22
Despite being reduced in numbers due to years of campaigning, the 10th Legion, one of Caesar’s 02:27
favourite and most experienced Legions, finally managed to turn the tide of battle, pushing 02:33
the Pompeian left hard. 02:38
Gnaeus was forced to move a Legion from his right to reinforce that wing, and as soon 02:41
as he did, Caesar’s cavalry fell upon the now weakened right flank. 02:46
The Pompeians started giving ground, being pushed back to the walls of Munda where they 02:51
finally broke into a general rout, some making it into the town of Munda, others scattering 02:56
in all directions. 03:02
30,000 Pompeians lay dead on the battlefield, Caesar having lost 1,000. 03:04
Among the Pompeian dead were Varus, and Caesar’s one-time friend, ally, and right-hand man, 03:10
Labienus. 03:16
Their heads were brought to Caesar after the battle, and Caesar ordered their bodies be 03:17
found, and then had them buried with honours where they had died. 03:22
According to Appian, Caesar would later say that he had “often fought for victory, but 03:27
that on this occasion he fought for his life”. 03:33
Despite this decisive victory, the campaign was still not over. 03:39
Gnaeus had escaped the battle and fled to Carteia with what survivors he could gather, 03:42
many more were either preparing to defend the town of Munda or retreating to Corduba. 03:48
Caesar’s men blockaded the men in Munda in a gruesome fashion. 03:53
The bodies of the dead Pompeians were used to create a palisade and the spears with heads 03:58
of the dead put along with it. 04:03
Meanwhile, messengers reached Sextus in Corduba of his brother’s defeat, and, after gathering 04:07
a bodyguard, he slipped out of the city at night. 04:13
Leaving a detachment under Fabius Maximus to keep the survivors in Munda surrounded, 04:17
Caesar soon arrived at Corduba. 04:22
It had since been reinforced by some who had escaped Munda, but with the help of the pro-Caesarean 04:24
faction in the city, Caesar quickly stormed and took the city, 22,000 Pompeian soldiers 04:30
and sympathizers dying in the fighting. 04:36
In Carteia, the pro-Caesarean faction there detained Gnaeus and sent envoys to Caesar, 04:42
hoping to atone for previously having sided with the Pompeians. 04:48
However, the pro-Pompeians rescued Gnaeus, killing the leaders of the Caesarean faction 04:52
and fighting to take the gates of the city. 04:58
Gnaeus was injured in the fighting, but was able to escape the town with 20 ships before 05:01
Caesar could arrive. 05:06
Didius, in command of the Caesarean fleet, heard of this and sent ships to give chase, 05:08
stationing men along the coast to watch for Gnaeus making any landing. 05:14
Having left in such a hurry, Gnaeus did not have time to stock up on water or food and 05:19
was forced to make land to try and resupply. 05:24
Didius’ men quickly found him, and captured most of his ships burning the rest. 05:27
Gnaeus once again managed to escape with what few men he could. 05:34
He and his companions were continually hounded as they fled, Gnaeus being wounded in the 05:37
shoulder and leg during one of these skirmishes. 05:43
Having been on the run for weeks and now having to be carried on a litter, Gnaeus arrived 05:46
at Lauro, with probably less than 1,000 men. 05:52
A Lusitanian betrayed him, telling his position to the Caesareans. 05:56
A force under the command of Lucius Caesennius Lento soon arrived. 06:02
Badly outnumbered, the Pompeians nonetheless made what defences they could on the high 06:07
ground and prepared to make a last stand. 06:12
Despite Lento’s larger numbers, he was initially repulsed, the Pompeians resisting desperately. 06:15
Eventually, the weight of numbers proved too much, however, and the Pompeians were overrun, 06:22
Lento’s men cutting them down. 06:27
Gnaeus, who had been carried by some of his men from the battlefield, was finally found. 06:30
Despite his wounds, he bravely tried to fight back before being cut down. 06:37
Like his father, he too was beheaded, his head being displayed at Hispalis, before Caesar 06:41
ordered him be buried with honours. 06:48
During this time, the men at Munda had continuously made sallies against Fabius Maximus and his 06:51
men but were consistently repulsed. 06:56
Soon after Gnaeus’ death, Fabius stormed the town, killing or capturing all 14,000 07:00
men there. 07:06
All that remained of the Pompeian faction was Pompey’s son Sextus, who had escaped 07:07
but was now little more than a pirate. 07:13
Meanwhile, Caesar had been travelling throughout the province, reminding the citizens what 07:18
good he had done for the province while quaestor and praetor there. 07:23
While he was engaged in these actions, he was joined by one of his nephews, the grandson 07:27
of his sister Julia. 07:32
This young man was Gaius Octavius. 07:33
It was around April of 45BC, the Great Roman Civil War was over, and Caesar was on his 07:37
way back to Rome. 07:44
It was around April of 45BC, and the Great Roman Civil War was over. 07:46
At last, Caesar could turn away from war and focus on the politics of the Republic. 07:50
A true representative of the Populares, Caesar, believed that the power of the Republic was 07:54
its common people, rather than the aristocracy as the Optimates believed. 08:00
The extent to which he really believed in these ideals has been debated for centuries 08:06
and he has been variously viewed as a military tyrant, a despotic demagogue, a benevolent 08:11
dictator, a would-be saviour of the Republic, and a populist champion of the people. 08:17
In this episode, we shall look at the reforms enacted by Caesar throughout his career and 08:22
allow you to decide which view you agree with. 08:25
By the time of Caesar’s first consulship in 59BC, Pompey has long struggled to push 08:26
legislation that would give land to his veterans. 08:31
Caesar proposed a bill that would achieve this, while also including measures that would 08:35
also distribute land to the urban poor of Rome. 08:40
The Gracchi brothers, almost 70 years earlier, had tried to carry out a similar proposal, 08:43
distributing “public land” to the poor, eventually resulting in their deaths at the 08:49
hand of the Senate. 08:53
Caesar, however, had learned from their example. 08:55
His proposal to the Senate would provide land for 20,000 of Rome’s poor, without any financial 08:59
cost to the Senate or the wealthy landowners. 09:05
The riches Pompey had taken from the East would be used to fund the reform, and land 09:08
would be bought from the owners at the price it had been assessed at in the tax lists, 09:14
ensuring fairness. 09:19
A board of 20 would oversee the redistribution, with Caesar exempting himself from the board 09:20
to ensure it would not be biased. 09:26
When the bill was put to the Senate, it was apparently so watertight that none could criticise 09:28
it. 09:34
Nevertheless, they did not pass it with stiff opposition coming from influential men such 09:35
as Cato, Cicero, and Caesar’s consular colleague, Bibulus. 09:41
Caesar read the bill to the people, where it received huge public approval. 09:45
Still, the Senate refused to pass the bill, obfuscating and delaying constantly. 09:50
Eventually, Caesar requested the help of Pompey and Crassus, both of who publicly supported 09:56
the bill. 10:02
With their support assured, Caesar decided to bypass the Senate officially proposing 10:03
the bill to the comitia, an assembly of citizens. 10:08
Bibulus tried to use all the political tricks in the book to stop the assembly but was assaulted 10:12
by the people and forced to retreat to his house. 10:18
The bill, finally, was passed and all Senators were bound by oaths to uphold it. 10:22
Shortly after the passing of this bill, according to both Appian and Cassius Dio, a man called 10:28
Lucius Vettius attempted to assassinate both Caesar and Pompey. 10:34
He was caught and when interrogated said he had been put up to it by either Bibulus, Cicero, 10:39
and Cato, or Cicero and Lucullus (depending on the source) all of whom were adamant Optimates. 10:45
Vettius was then killed in the night while in prison before any more could be learned 10:52
from him. 10:56
Roman historians were extremely critical of Caesar for this bill. 10:58
Dio claims that Caesar only proposed it as a favour to Pompey and Crassus, to help win 11:02
the public support and so lay the groundwork for the First Triumvirate, while Plutarch 11:08
says the law was “becoming, not for a consul, but for a most radical tribune of the plebs”. 11:13
They both see the bill as being designed purely to win popular approval. 11:20
Caesar certainly did want to assure his supporters that he was a man of action and in control, 11:25
and so the ancient historians are right in part. 11:30
The bill did indeed win Caesar and his co-Triumvirates a lot of popular support, thus helping Caesar 11:34
settle political debts with Pompey and Crassus. 11:40
It is also important to note that Caesar did abuse the Republican system in order to get 11:44
the bill passed, overruling both the Senate and a fellow consul. 11:49
However, it is also true that this kind of land reform was badly needed in Rome and did 11:54
benefit thousands of its poorer citizens. 12:00
Furthermore, Caesar already had a history of supporting land reform, having supported 12:03
a similar but failed bill, in 63BC. 12:08
Caesar was also playing a seriously risky game by proposing the legislation. 12:13
Similar laws had resulted in the deaths of the Gracchi and would result in an attempt 12:18
on his own life, and one is forced to wonder if there was not a less risky way of winning 12:22
public support if that was the only motivation. 12:28
It is also worth noting that the Roman voting system heavily favoured the rich, the poor 12:32
having a comparatively small amount of influence in voting. 12:37
As a result, it is debatable just how much power Caesar would really have achieved by 12:41
passing a bill that would benefit the poorest. 12:46
it is also worth remembering that Dio and Plutarch were both parts of the aristocracy 12:49
of the Empire, a highly conservative body, and so criticism of radical populist reforms 12:54
would be expected from them. 13:01
Unfortunately, we do not have any written histories from people in the class that would 13:03
benefit from Caesar’s reforms, but it is hard to imagine that they would agree with 13:07
the two historians. 13:12
After the Battle of Thapsus, Caesar was named Dictator for 10 years, as well as being given 13:14
tribunal and censorial powers, effectively giving him ultimate power over the Republic 13:20
and he immediately began the tasks of reassuring the people that the crisis was over and stabilising 13:26
the government. 13:32
Huge games were held, including elephants and mock naval battles, at colossus expense. 13:33
He received considerable criticism for this from some of the public, who thought they 13:40
were in poor taste, but they were largely successful in calming and winning over the 13:44
populace. 13:50
Through his censorial powers, which allowed him to pass laws regarding morality, he regulated 13:51
the expenditure of the richest of Rome’s citizens, and gave incentives for people to 13:56
have more children and larger families to try and boost Rome’s diminished population. 14:01
Augustus would later pass similar legislation, and Caesar’s passing of these laws can be 14:07
viewed as a precursor to the autocratic regime of Emperors. 14:13
On the other hand, Republican virtues had always valued the rejection of luxury goods 14:18
and having large families, and so Caesar can equally be seen as doing nothing more than 14:23
trying to reinstate core Republic traditions. 14:28
Shortly after this, Caesar would fight the remnants of the Pompeian faction in Spain, 14:31
before returning to Rome around April 45BC, finally having won the Civil War. 14:38
Upon his arrival back in Italy, he immediately retired his favourite 10th Legion, and the 14:44
13th. 14:50
Most of Caesar’s other veteran Legions had already been retired, but the significance 14:51
of demobilizing these two was vast. 14:56
The 10th was renowned as Caesar’s favourite and had fought in almost every major battle 14:59
of the Civil War. 15:05
The 13th was no less prestigious and had been the Legion that had first crossed the Rubicon 15:07
with Caesar. 15:12
His message was clear; the war was over, and Caesar wanted peace. 15:13
This was reinforced by his rejection of the offer of having a bodyguard saying “it is 15:19
better to die once, than to be always expecting death”. 15:25
When he returned to Rome, he assured the Senate that he would hold no grudges, and that he 15:30
would not carry out the proscriptions that had defined the Dictatorship of Sulla saying: 15:35
“The man who recklessly abuses his power on absolutely all occasions finds for himself 15:40
neither genuine goodwill nor certain safety, but, though accorded false flattery in public, 15:46
is secretly plotted against. 15:52
I shall be…not your master…but your champion, not your tyrant but your leader”. 15:54
Some Senators and politicians who had been exiled during the Civil War were recalled 16:02
by Caesar, even some who had been exiled from crimes such as bribery. 16:07
All those who had taken up arms against him were publicly forgiven and granted immunity, 16:12
with scrolls that were found in the Pompeian camps after Pharsalus and Thapsus being burnt, 16:18
along with any copies, to ensure that no later charges could be brought against him. 16:24
Men who had been in positions of power in the Pompeian faction were welcomed back into 16:29
the Senate, and some, such as Cassius and Brutus, were given highly important magisterial 16:34
positions. 16:40
For those that had died in the war with family, money was given to their wives to ensure that 16:41
they and their children would be able to sustain themselves. 16:46
He even went so far as to have statues of Pompey that had been torn down during the 16:50
Civil War restored. 16:55
Regarding these actions, historians have largely been in agreement; one of Caesar’s most 16:58
admirable traits was his mercy and clemency. 17:03
Dio, often one of his harsher critics, says that in doing so he put the reputation of 17:06
Sulla to shame and built for himself a reputation for bravery and goodness. 17:12
Both he and Plutarch also agree that, whether Caesar was right or wrong in his actions, 17:17
he did bring much-needed peace and stability to the Republic, even for just a short while. 17:24
Nevertheless, some have been more questioning of these actions, Cicero in his Second Philippic 17:30
highlighting how Caesar’s clemency effectively kept his enemies indebted to him. 17:36
Caesar should also perhaps be criticised for recalling those convicted of bribery. 17:42
An argument could be made that Caesar was looking to start from a clean slate, but his 17:46
recalling of these men showed a disregard for the legal jurisdiction of the state, as 17:52
well as fuelling rumours of him being bribed in turn in order to recall them. 17:57
Though Caesar is occasionally categorised as a military dictator, the disbanding of 18:03
his Legions and refusal of a bodyguard make the issue arguable. 18:07
One of the hallmarks of a military dictatorship is having an armed bodyguard that can then 18:13
be used as intimidation. 18:17
Caesar did not have this and he also did not use his army as a threat to his rule, another 18:20
hallmark of a military dictatorship. 18:25
To say that Caesar achieved power through military force is certainly accurate, to say 18:28
that he maintained power through military force, however, is debatable. 18:33
While Dictator, he also made significant other reforms that largely benefited the masses. 18:39
The dole had previously been distributed to 320,000, many of whom did not actually need 18:45
it, putting a strain on the supply. 18:51
Caesar reduced this number to 150,000 of Rome’s poorest citizens. 18:54
He also began the repopulating of Carthage and Corinth, sending 80,000 citizens there 19:00
with plots of land assigned to them. 19:05
Medics and teachers of arts were given automatic citizenship to entice more of them to come 19:08
to Rome. 19:14
Debt had been a huge issue in Rome for a while now, particularly throughout the Civil War. 19:15
To address this, Caesar ordered that all debts must be repaid, but only at a rate proportional 19:21
to the indebted persons’ wealth to try and curb any usury. 19:27
Were these the actions of a demagogue or a man who honestly believed in giving more rights 19:31
and freedoms to the people? 19:37
No one can truly say for sure, and the interpretation of later historians often reveals more about 19:38
their own politics than Caesar’s; certainly, arguments for both sides can be made. 19:45
Having served as quaestor, praetor, and propraetor in Hispania, Caesar was well aware of the 19:52
level of corruption in the governance of the provinces and knew from personal experience 19:58
how powerful Governors could be. 20:03
As such, while Consul, he also introduced a bill addressing these issues. 20:06
The bill prohibited governors from accepting bribes in regards to administering justice, 20:11
fixed the amount of staff they could have so as to better control their expenses, and 20:17
protected their subjects from having extortionate tributes demanded of them. 20:22
Furthermore, it required that each governor produce 3 copies of their financial accounting 20:26
making it harder for the power of a pro-magistrate to be abused, and easier for it to be found 20:32
out and evidenced if it was. 20:37
As Dictator, he would add a law explicitly limiting pro-praetors to one year in office, 20:40
and pro-consuls to two. 20:46
Caesar also took steps to integrate the provinces more into the Republic, extending citizen 20:49
rights to those living in Cisalpine Gaul, and began the process of fully integrating 20:54
the province. 20:59
Caesar’s motivation for passing these reforms may have been purely a desire to limit corruption 21:01
of the office. 21:06
At the same time, it can equally be said that Caesar was trying to stop anyone from following 21:08
in his footsteps and rivaling his own position of power. 21:13
This is certainly true to some extent, as is noted by Dio. 21:17
Caesar was right to be cautious though. 21:22
For the past few decades, arguably the biggest threat that the Republic had faced had come 21:24
from its own governors being vested with too much power, eventually growing so powerful 21:29
that they could not be controlled. 21:35
Such had been the case with Sulla, Pompey, and himself; reforms that checked this power 21:37
were long overdue. 21:43
The extension of citizen rights to Cisalpine Gaul and beginning to integrate the province 21:46
may only have been intended by Caesar to further increase his base of support or may have been 21:51
more altruistic. 21:57
It is certainly true, however, that these reforms were, once again, also long overdue. 21:59
Despite its huge gains since the Punic Wars, the Roman Republic had still not yet adapted 22:05
to its new size, still largely functioning as the local agrarian-based power it had been 22:11
300 years ago, rather than the Mediterranean-wide super-power it now was. 22:17
This dissolving of the line between “Romans” and “provincials” would be continued by 22:22
Augustus and was crucial in providing stability to the Empire. 22:28
The Senate had been massively depleted, many of its members dying throughout the Civil 22:33
War. 22:38
Caesar addressed this by enrolling many new members, increasing the number from around 22:39
400 to 900, including ex-soldiers, sons of freedmen, and some men from provinces. 22:45
In a similar vein, Caesar also increased the number of magistrate offices, specifically 22:52
those in the provinces. 22:57
The number of Praetors was increased, eventually increasing from 8 originally to 16, and increasing 22:59
the number of quaestors from 20 to 40. 23:06
These two magistrates were some of the most important for provincial governance, praetors 23:09
often being given full control of a province, while quaestors acted as their assistants. 23:14
The last major reform to magistrates had occurred under Sulla, almost 40 years earlier. 23:20
Since then, huge expansions had been made, particularly by Caesar and Pompey, but no 23:26
constitutional changes had been made to accommodate this growing Empire. 23:32
Caesar’s reforms addressed this, increasing the pool of candidates for provincial governors, 23:37
as well as further distributing power across a wider base. 23:43
The number of aediles was also increased, adding two to specifically oversee the Roman 23:47
grain dole. 23:52
Though nominally these magistrates were voted for by the public, it was Caesar who nominated 23:53
them. 23:59
This was arguably the clearest example of tyranny that Caesar manifested while Dictator, 24:00
though it could also be argued that he may only have planned to nominate magistrates 24:05
in the short term, in order to stabilise politics after the Civil War, and would have eventually 24:10
abandoned the practice. 24:16
More contemporary historians of Caesar are critical of a number of these reforms. 24:18
Dio says that many of the men included in the Senate were “unworthy” of their position. 24:23
He also argues that Caesar’s increasing the size of the Senate and number of magistrates 24:29
was primarily because it allowed him a longer list of political positions which he could 24:34
hand out to his allies, cronies, and others to whom he owed political favours, filling 24:39
positions of power with his partisans. 24:45
He also suggests that the increased number of governors was to stop any man from gaining 24:48
too much power and challenging his position. 24:53
It is perhaps worth noting here that Dio was not against the idea of a Dictator per se. 24:56
In his words “Monarchy…has an unpleasant sound…but is a most practical form of government”. 25:03
However, he did believe that the democratic elements of the Republic were a weakness and 25:10
that the power of the masses was a dangerous thing that should be avoided. 25:15
Therefore, while some of Dio’s observations may be accurate in part, they are also clouded 25:19
by Dio’s inherent cynicism of democratic government. 25:25
Nonetheless, in some aspects, it could be argued that on this point Caesar was ahead 25:28
of his time. 25:34
During the Empire, men from all over the Empire would be inducted into the Senate, no matter 25:35
what province they had come from. 25:41
It was restricted by money, but not by geography. 25:43
Caesar seems to have laid the groundwork for this being the case, being the first to introduce 25:47
any provincials into the Senate. 25:53
While it is certainly true that Caesar did put many of his allies into the Senate and 25:56
magistrate positions, it also has to be recognised that Caesar also inducted many Optimates into 26:01
the same positions, even those who had been his enemy. 26:07
Cicero’s earlier criticism, that Caesar did this to keep his enemies on side, does 26:11
hold some weight, but the argument can also be made that his reasoning is circular, in 26:16
that Caesar would have been equally criticised for only having allies inducted into positions 26:22
of power. 26:27
Caesar had a number of other huge projects planned. 26:29
The sources differ slightly on exactly in what order Caesar planned these campaigns, 26:32
but all agree that he planned invasions of Parthia and Dacia and had begun the process 26:38
of assembling the supplies and men for this. 26:43
Plutarch claims that he also planned to effectively circle Europe after campaigning in Parthia, 26:46
fighting through the Caucasus, Scythia, Germany, and then back to Italy through Gaul. 26:52
He also had huge construction projects planned, including digging a canal through the Isthmus 26:58
of Corinth, draining the marshes of Pomentium and Setia, which would provide farmland for 27:03
thousands, as well as expand the harbour at Ostia and constructing moles to make the approach 27:09
into the port safer. 27:15
Caesar’s reforms had already led some to see him as a tyrant, and this was compounded 27:17
by rumours that Caesar planned to overthrow the Republic and become something the Romans 27:24
hated most: a King of Rome. 27:29
These rumours were not unfounded. 27:32
As dictator, Caesar was proclaimed “Father of the Country”, sacrifices and games were 27:34
given in his honour, and his statue was included alongside those of the gods in the procession 27:41
before the games. 27:47
He was also given a special chair in the Senate made of ivory and gold; in effect a throne. 27:49
Furthermore, Cleopatra had recently arrived in Rome igniting rumours that Caesar wanted 27:56
to install a Hellenistic style monarchy with himself as king, and Cleopatra as queen. 28:01
Caesar took to wearing triumphal garb, a laurel crown of victory and red boots, and on one 28:09
occasion, didn’t stand to greet the Senators. 28:16
The Roman kings of the past had worn red shoes and they combined with the crown, “throne”, 28:19
and perceived disrespect to the Senate made the rumours look true. 28:25
A small minority liked the idea - they adorned a statue of Caesar with a crown and even once 28:31
hailed him as a king. 28:37
A plebeian tribune Marullus had them imprisoned for that and, in response, Caesar accused 28:39
Marullus of having orchestrated the events in order to damage his political position 28:46
and had the tribune imprisoned. 28:51
Marullus’ office was sacrosanct, so this was seen as proof of Caesar’s tyrannical 28:53
ways and disregard for the Republic. 28:58
For some, it was also proof that Caesar did in fact want the title of King, and that he 29:01
punished Marullus because the Tribune had been imprisoning Caesar’s supporters. 29:07
According to Appian, on one occasion, Caesar was watching a ceremony for the Lupercal games 29:13
which included Antony, as Consul for that year, and the other priests running naked 29:19
and anointing people. 29:24
At one point, Antony approached Caesar with a crown. 29:26
Some in the crowd groaned at this, others applauded, but Caesar refused the crown, pleasing 29:30
the majority of people. 29:36
Again, Antony tried to crown Caesar, and again he refused, drawing huge applause from the 29:37
crowd. 29:44
This has often been interpreted as a staged affair to see how the people would react, 29:45
with Caesar hoping that he would be welcomed as King. 29:50
Combined with Caesar’s other actions, some were convinced that Caesar would use his powers 29:54
as Dictator to become a monarch. 29:59
In the ancient sources, it is these reasons that are given for why the Conspirators decided 30:02
to plot against Caesar and later dub themselves Liberators. 30:08
However, there is also evidence to counter these claims. 30:12
Caesar forbade any from calling him king, saying that he was “not King, but Caesar”, 30:17
and Dio points out that he did not ask for any honours. 30:23
Some of them were enacted by his past enemies, like Cicero, eager to curry his favour, while 30:27
many of his allies likely thought that he really did deserve the honours bestowed on 30:34
him. 30:38
It was in Caesar’s interest to therefore try to appease both sides accepting some honours, 30:40
while denying the more egregious ones. 30:46
Caesar’s punishment of Marullus, was arguably overzealous, but it may have been done to 30:49
try and maintain neutrality with the party that apparently did want him as King. 30:54
According to Dio, Caesar’s wearing of a triumphal crown was to try and hide his baldness. 31:01
Similarly, Plutarch claims that Caesar not standing to meet the Senate was due to Caesar’s 31:06
illness which often made him dizzy and faint if he stood up quickly after being sat for 31:12
too long. 31:17
Lastly, there is the anecdote of Antony crowning Caesar. 31:19
When one considers the image of a naked, oiled Antony offering the crown to Caesar, it is 31:23
harder to see it as a cunning political ploy. 31:28
In fact, it is arguably much closer to a joke in bad taste, or charade to amuse the masses. 31:31
Finally, one must also consider the question of why Caesar would have wanted to be King? 31:38
As Plutarch and Dio both point out, he effectively had all the power of a king, so why also have 31:44
a title that carried such heavy political baggage in Rome? 31:51
It is hard to think that Cesar would not have known how foolhardy such an idea was. 31:55
Some modern historians have suggested that the conspirators’ idea that they were saving 32:03
the Republic was mere propaganda, and that many were motivated by more personal factors. 32:07
In total there were 60 conspirators, all senators. 32:14
We know the names of 20, but only 12 are described in enough detail in the sources for their 32:18
personal motives to be assumed: Marcus Junius Brutus had fought with Pompey, 32:24
and was spared after Pharsalus. 32:30
Welcomed by Caesar, he was appointed governor of Cisalpine Gaul. 32:33
Brutus’ mother was a lover of Caesar, and the two men were close. 32:37
False, but still humiliating rumours circulated that he was Caesar’s bastard, and even that 32:42
his mother had prostituted his half-sister to Caesar. 32:48
Ancient and modern historians have claimed that they were likely a key motivator for 32:53
him. 32:57
However, Brutus was a supposed descendant of the semi-legendary Brutus who had ousted 32:58
the last King of Rome, so many insisted that he be the one to take action against Caesar’s 33:03
kingship. 33:10
He was the conspirator who had the most genuinely idealistic motive to assassinate Caesar. 33:11
An experienced general with a solid military career, Gaius Cassius Longinus was also forgiven 33:17
by Caesar in the aftermath of the battle of Pharsalus. 33:23
He became a legate in Caesar’s army in Egypt, but refused to fight against Pompeians. 33:26
Nevertheless, he was earmarked by Caesar to be governor of Syria. 33:33
However, Caesar had hampered his career a few times, preventing him from becoming aedile, 33:38
and postponing his consulship. 33:43
Though he was made Legate, Cassius probably deserved a higher command based on experience. 33:45
It is apparent that Caesar never really trusted him, and he was right not to. 33:51
Cassius had plotted to kill Caesar from as early as 47BC, and genuinely hated Caesar. 33:57
Certainly, motivated in part by his Pompeian loyalties, Cassius disliked Caesar for personal 34:04
reasons and was the most active about the plot. 34:10
Decimus Junius Brutus had fought with Caesar in Gaul and was one of his most promising 34:14
subordinates. 34:21
He was made Praetor by Caesar and was set to be the governor of Cisalpine Gaul after 34:22
Marcus Brutus’ term. 34:27
Caesar loved Decimus, as shown in Caesar’s will that named him as a second-degree heir, 34:29
a fact unknown to Decimus. 34:35
This meant that if Octavian had died before, Decimus would have been legally adopted by 34:36
Caesar and been his heir. 34:43
His motivation is incredibly difficult to ascertain, the best argument usually coming 34:45
down to pure greed for power. 34:50
Another veteran of the Gallic Wars Gaius Trebonius was one of Caesar’s most reliable Legates. 34:54
Caesar had appointed him as Urban Praetor, then governor of Hispania Ulterior, and finally 35:00
Consul in 45BC. 35:06
However, his year as consul was undermined by Caesar who appointed a replacement consul 35:08
for Trebonius’ colleague who died just one day before the end of his term, which was 35:14
considered a mockery of the consulship. 35:19
Trebonius may well have seen this as an insult, motivating him to join the plot. 35:23
Previously he also participated in a failed plot against Caesar suggesting to Antony that 35:29
they should murder Caesar. 35:34
The latter rejected the offer, and the plot had not developed any further. 35:36
One of Caesar’s strongest supporters Tillius Cimber was rewarded for his loyalty with the 35:41
governorship of Bithynia and Pontus. 35:47
However, he was deeply annoyed that Caesar did not recall his brother, Publius, who was 35:49
exiled for unknown reasons, possibly leading to his involvement. 35:55
Publius Servillius Casca was one of the oldest friends of Caesar. 36:00
Casca appears to have fallen on hard times financially and may well have been angry that 36:05
his old friend had not helped him more in this regard. 36:10
His brother Gaius joined the plot to support Publius. 36:14
A Tribune of the Plebs Pontius Aquila was publicly mocked by Caesar when he refused 36:19
to stand during one of Caesar’s triumphs. 36:24
He also had some land confiscated and given to Brutus’ mother, Caesar’s lover, giving 36:27
him a deeply personal motivation for joining the plot. 36:33
Another man who was Caesar’s legate in the Gallic Wars, Servius Sulpicius Galba, was 36:37
a thrifty man. 36:42
He had guaranteed a loan of Pompey’s and when Pompey’s land was confiscated, he inherited 36:44
the debt. 36:49
Galba was annoyed, and had complained to Caesar who promptly paid the debt himself. 36:51
Another debt later emerged from these same circumstances, which Caesar was less willing 36:57
to help with, much to Galba’s outrage. 37:02
There were also rumours that Caesar may have been sleeping with his wife. 37:04
Quintus Ligarius’s life was spared by Caesar after the battle of Thapsus, but he was later 37:09
put on trial for apparently conspiring with Juba of Numidia, and threatened with exile. 37:16
Cicero defended him, and Caesar pardoned him. 37:22
Nevertheless, he had been deeply depressed at the idea of being exiled. 37:25
Furthermore, Caesar had executed a relative of his for taking up arms against Caesar despite 37:31
already having been pardoned. 37:37
These reasons and friendship with Brutus likely brought him into the conspiracy. 37:39
Another Caesarian legate Lucius Minucius Basilus – who served in the Gallic Wars was made 37:45
praetor in 45BC, but instead of being given a province afterwards, was given a huge sum 37:51
of money. 37:58
This apparently deeply insulted him, motivating him to join the conspirators. 37:59
The last in this group was Quintus Antistius – who seems to have joined the plot purely 38:05
out of devotion to his close friend Brutus. 38:10
Little to nothing is known of the other 8 named conspirators. 38:13
In all likelihood, some really did believe that they were ridding Rome of a tyrant, as 38:17
they would later claim. 38:23
However, modern historians are also right to suggest that it is equally likely that 38:24
a good many of them were involved either based on personal grudges or wanting to be a part 38:29
of the creation of the new order. 38:35
The sources vary on precisely who was the instigator, but Cassius and Brutus were the 38:38
ringleaders. 38:43
The former doing much of the recruiting, with the latter being more of a figurehead, his 38:44
name and reputation crucial in convincing many others to join. 38:49
Gradually, they convinced the 58 other conspirators to join the plot. 38:53
The Conspirators did consider one of the most influential Senators - Cicero, but concluded 38:59
that he would not commit or would simply slow things down. 39:04
At first, it was proposed that they kill Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus. 39:08
The latter two were the next most powerful Caesareans, so killing them would effectively 39:13
remove all the faction’s significant leadership. 39:19
Brutus, however, opposed this. 39:22
He argued that this was to be surgical removal of a tyrant, not a widespread political purge. 39:24
The other conspirators relented. 39:31
Caesar would soon be leaving on his Parthian campaign, where, surrounded by soldiers, he 39:34
would be untouchable, so they had to strike while he was in Rome. 39:39
When Caesar announced a Senate meeting on the Ides of March, just 4 days before he was 39:44
scheduled to leave, the Conspirators decided that this would be the perfect opportunity. 39:49
Caesar would be separated from his entourage, the Conspirators could all be in the same 39:55
place without raising suspicion, and they were confident that, when the attack began, 40:00
other Senators would quickly come to help them. 40:05
Gladiators were scheduled to fight in the Theatre adjacent to the Senate chamber the 40:08
day of the meeting, and this would give the conspirators the perfect excuse to have armed 40:13
soldiers nearby, as Decimus Brutus owned many gladiators. 40:18
The night before the session, Caesar invited Lepidus and Decimus to his house for dinner. 40:24
They talked long into the night, and, eventually, the philosophical question was asked: “What 40:30
is the best way to die?”, to which Caesar responded without hesitation that a sudden 40:35
death was best. 40:40
Throughout the night, Caesar’s wife Calpurnia is said to have had dreams of Caesar’s death, 40:42
and in the morning, when Caesar was making his sacrifices, they were all foreboding. 40:48
A superstitious man, Caesar decided to cancel the meeting, sending Antony to dismiss the 40:54
Senate. 40:59
Caesar had also been drinking late the previous night, and a hangover might have been influencing 41:01
his decision. 41:05
When the Conspirators heard of this, they sent Decimus to convince Caesar to come to 41:06
the Senate. 41:11
Decimus told Caesar that the Senate would be insulted unless he dismissed them in person, 41:12
and Caesar relented, trusting his friend’s judgment. 41:18
Meanwhile, word of the conspiracy had started to leak. 41:22
A friend of Caesar’s had heard of the plot but didn’t know the details. 41:26
He immediately ran to Caesar’s house to warn him but finding Caesar had already left 41:30
for the Senate decided to wait at his house. 41:35
Another friend would also find out about it that same day, and ran to the Theatre of Pompey 41:39
to try and warn Caesar but would arrive too late. 41:44
Lastly, as Caesar was making his way to the Theatre, someone slipped him a message. 41:48
Surrounded by crowds of supporters, and constantly having messages passed to him, Caesar slipped 41:54
it into his robes without reading. 41:59
Later found on his body, it was a warning of the upcoming assassination. 42:02
When Caesar arrived at the Theatre, Antony, the Conspirators, and other Senators were 42:08
all there. 42:13
The Conspirators were acting casual despite the daggers hidden under their togas, but 42:14
they were secretly nervous. 42:19
A man approached Casca and said “Brutus has told me everything!” which shocked Casca 42:21
before he realised that the man was referring to his intention to run for aedile. 42:27
Another Senator approached Caesar, talking to him in hushed tones. 42:33
The Conspirators grew anxious, Brutus subtly signaling that they were to kill themselves 42:37
rather than be captured before it became clear that the Senator had simply been petitioning 42:42
Caesar on another matter. 42:47
Despite more bad sacrifices, Caesar was convinced to go ahead with the meeting and entered the 42:50
Chambers. 42:55
The Senators followed, but Antony was quickly pulled aside by Trebonius. 42:56
Caesar, a veteran with 35 years of experience, was in good shape despite his age. 43:01
Although Antony was known as a hedonist, he was also a veteran of 10 years, strong, quick 43:07
to anger, and an incredible soldier. 43:13
Together, the two of them might have been able to fight a way out, so the Conspirators 43:16
had entrusted Trebonius, one of Antony’s closest friends, with keeping him out of the 43:20
way. 43:25
Caesar was seated at the front of the Senate under a statue of Pompey. 43:27
Cimber approached Caesar, petitioning him to recall his brother from exile. 43:31
The other Conspirators gathered around, encircling Caesar, and suddenly Cimber pulled Caesar’s 43:36
toga down, exposing his shoulder, the signal for the attack. 43:42
Caesar, who as Dictator was protected by law, pushed Cimber back saying “This is violence!”. 43:46
Casca, Caesar’s childhood friend, then attacked the seated Caesar, but missed only cutting 43:53
his shoulder. 44:00
Caesar grabbed Casca’s hand, shouting “Casca what are you doing?!” while Casca simultaneously 44:01
shouted “Brother help me!”. 44:07
Caesar was able to rise and violently throw Casca away from him, but by the time he did, 44:10
Casca’s brother Servillius had attacked, stabbing him in the side. 44:15
Caesar continued to fight back but was attacked from all directions, Cassius slashing his 44:20
face, Bucolianus stabbing him in the back, and Decimus slicing his thigh. 44:25
Still, Caesar fought back as much as he could. 44:31
Brutus was the next to approach him, and Caesar sunk down, either due to blood loss, or having 44:34
now lost the will to fight and Brutus stabbed him in the groin. 44:40
Caesar pulled his toga over his head to hide his face, just as Pompey had done when he 44:45
had been betrayed and murdered. 44:50
Caesar resigned to his fate and died in a pool of blood at the base of the statue of 44:53
Pompey. 44:59
Suggestions that his last words were either “And you, Brutus?” or “And you, my son?” 45:00
are largely disproven by the ancient sources, most simply saying he groaned in pain. 45:06
His body had 23 stab wounds, many of which happened after his death when the Conspirators 45:12
had gathered around to stab his body, some even wounding each other. 45:18
Only the 6 mentioned senators stabbed him while he was alive, which means that less 45:23
than 1% of the Senate had actually taken part in the assassination. 45:28
Furthermore, the analysis of his corpse at the time determined that only one, the attack 45:32
from Servillius, was fatal. 45:38
The fact that they could not strike a fatal blow on an unarmed, already wounded man, perhaps 45:41
tells us something about quite how panicked they were. 45:47
Out of 60 Conspirators, most did not even take part in the stabbing, suggesting that 45:50
many had joined simply out of political opportunism. 45:56
Gaius Julius Caesar had been assassinated by men who had either been spared by him or 45:59
trusted as friends. 46:05
Dio later wrote of Caesar that if he could have chosen, he probably would have wished 46:07
he could have died at Munda, as a soldier. 46:12
Even the ancient historians who are critical of Caesar, such as Dio, recognise that such 46:15
a death was somewhat of a tragic end. 46:20
For some, Caesar was a war-mongering tyrant driven by a lust for personal glory. 46:23
To others, Caesar was a leader who tried to fix a system that was clearly broken and was 46:30
killed before that goal could be reached. 46:35
Some see Caesar as a combination of both or something in between. 46:39
What all can agree on, however, is that Caesar changed the world. 46:43
By accident or design, his actions ultimately led to the rise of the Roman Empire and all 46:48
the effects, good and bad, that would bring. 46:54
Two of the most interesting things that Caesar has left us today are two questions. 46:57
Did Caesar make the world a better place? 47:03
And what would have happened if he had survived? 47:06
We are currently working on the third season of this series that will cover the events 47:09
that happened after the assassination of Caesar, including various civil wars and the so-called 47:14
Last War of the Republic that allowed the Roman Republic to transform into the Principate. 47:20
If you don’t want to miss our future episodes and get notified, subscribe and press the 47:26
bell button. 47:30
Please, consider liking, commenting, and sharing - it helps immensely. 47:32
Our videos would be impossible without our kind patrons and youtube channel members, 47:35
whose ranks you can join via the links in the description to know our schedule, get 47:40
early access to our videos, access our discord, and much more. 47:44
This is the Kings and Generals channel, and we will catch you on the next one. 47:48

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词汇 含义

civil

/ˈsɪvəl/

B2
  • adjective
  • - 与普通公民及其关注点有关,区别于军事或教会事务。

battle

/ˈbætl/

A2
  • noun
  • - 对立力量之间持续的战斗
  • verb
  • - 战斗或斗争

defeat

/dɪˈfiːt/

B1
  • verb
  • - 在战斗或竞赛中战胜某人
  • noun
  • - 输掉一场战斗或比赛的行为

political

/pəˈlɪtɪkl/

B1
  • adjective
  • - 与政府或公共事务有关的

power

/ˈpaʊər/

A2
  • noun
  • - 影响或控制人物或事件的能力
  • verb
  • - 提供机械或电力

ships

/ʃɪps/

A1
  • noun
  • - 用于海上运输人员或货物的大型船只

death

/dɛθ/

A2
  • noun
  • - 人或生物生命的终结

relations

/rɪˈleɪʃənz/

B1
  • noun
  • - 两个或两个以上的人或物连接的方式

capture

/ˈkæptʃər/

B2
  • verb
  • - 通过武力或技能占有或控制
  • noun
  • - 捕获某人或某物的行为

news

/njuːz/

A1
  • noun
  • - 新近收到或值得注意的信息,特别是关于最近的事件

general

/ˈdʒɛnərəl/

A2
  • noun
  • - 军队的指挥官,或军衔很高的军官
  • adjective
  • - 影响或涉及所有人、地点或事物

emergency

/ɪˈmɜːrdʒənsi/

B1
  • noun
  • - 需要立即采取行动的严重、意外且通常很危险的情况

army

/ˈɑːrmi/

A1
  • noun
  • - 一支装备在陆地上作战的有组织的军事力量

royal

/ˈrɔɪəl/

B1
  • adjective
  • - 属于或关于国王或王后

secret

/ˈsiːkrɪt/

A2
  • adjective
  • - 不为人知或未被看见,或不打算为他人知晓或看见
  • noun
  • - 被隐藏或只有少数人知道的东西

influence

/ˈɪnfluəns/

B2
  • noun
  • - 对某人或某事的性格、发展或行为产生影响的能力
  • verb
  • - 对某人或某事的性格、发展或行为产生影响

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